We now have added "Informational Posts" which are tidbits of information that may come in handy at some point.
Showing posts with label (. News-Civil Com. Show all posts
Showing posts with label (. News-Civil Com. Show all posts

Psychiatric Gating of Sexual Offenders Under Ontario's Mental Health Act: Illegality, Charter Conflicts & Abuse of Process

2005 Canada:

Abstract:
The paper examines psychiatric gating in Canada - i.e. the practice of certifying offenders for involuntary admission into a psychiatric hospital under civil mental health legislation on their impending release from a correctional facility.

The author first argues that the psychiatric gating of sexual offenders does not com- port with the legal requisites or philosophical objectives of civil commitment under Ontario's Mental Health Act. Second, the author argues that psychiatric gating is fraught with possible violations of ss. 7 & 12 of the Charter and constitutes an abuse of process because the practice in effect achieves the same indeterminate detention as designation under the dangerous offender provisions of the Criminal Code without the procedural and substantive safeguards that the courts have deemed necessary for the indeterminate sentences to survive Charter scrutiny.

In making out the arguments the author engages in a detailed discussion of the civil commitment provisions in Ontario with reference to the parallel provisions in other provinces, and explores the limited Canadian jurisprudence on psychiatric gating. ..Source.. by Jose A Hannah-Suarez, Government of Ontario

Civil Commitment of Sexually Violent Persons

August 2010:

History: States w/CC are omitted here. This follows:

Typically, these laws provide a legal mechanism for the confinement of a limited number of ADULT sexual offenders in a secure treatment after incarceration when a court determines they are likely to engage in future acts of sexual violence.

Texas has an exclusively community-based commitment program and Pennsylvania has a civil commitment program only for juvenile offenders aging out of the delinquency system.

To meet the criteria for commitment, the offender must suffer from a mental abnormality or personality disorder predisposing the offender to commit future acts of sexual violence.

The use of civil commitment for sexual offenders has generated considerable debate in legal and clinical professions, and it continues to be debated even among professionals who work with and conduct research on sexual offenders.

Proponents argue that such provisions offer an important community protection safeguard by incapacitating a high risk subgroup off sex offenders. In addition, civil commitment can provide opportunities for these individuals to receive treatment interventions that may reduce their potential to recidiviate upon release to the community, particularly offenders for whom specialized treatment was not available in the prison setting.

Objections to civil commitment are generally three fold.

First, the legal mechanism by which the offenders are detained when civill committed depends on clinical criteria primarily created or defined by legislative bodies rather than by the scientific or mental health communities. ..Continued.. by ATSA

A Consumer Satisfaction Survey of Civilly Committed Sex Offenders in Illinois

2-2-2012 National:

Abstract:
The purpose of this study was to obtain feedback from civilly committed sex offenders (N = 113) about the components of treatment that they believed to be most important and helpful in preventing reoffense. Participants were also asked to rate their satisfaction with the treatment process and therapists.

Victim empathy and accountability were rated as the most important elements of treatment, along with skills for preventing relapse and methods for controlling sexual arousal.

There was a fairly robust correlation between client perceptions of importance and satisfaction on most treatment components. Some clients expressed concerns about respect, confidentiality, and judgmental attitudes of some therapists. Because civilly committed sex offenders are considered to be among the most likely to reoffend, strategies are discussed for engagement of this population in a meaningful process of change. ..Source.. by Jill S. Levenson, David S. Prescott, and Shan Jumper

Study: Impartial experts aren’t so impartial

4-1-2013

Forensic psychologists and psychiatrists are ethically bound to be impartial, to look only at the evidence before them, when performing evaluations or providing expert opinions for the court. But new research from the University of Virginia School of Medicine and Sam Houston State University suggests that the paycheck some courtroom experts receive influences their evaluations.

In a real-world experiment, experts who believed they were working for prosecutors tended to conclude that sexually violent offenders were at greater risk of re-offending than did experts who thought they were working for the defense, the researchers found.

“The findings were fairly alarming,” said UVA researcher Daniel Murrie, PhD. “We suspected to find some of what we call the ‘allegiance effect’ – some difference between the sides – but the difference was more than we were expecting.”

Testing Conventional Wisdom
Murrie, director of psychology at UVA’s Institute of Law, Psychiatry and Public Policy and an associate professor of psychiatry and neurobehavioral sciences at the School of Medicine, has long been interested in the impartiality of forensic psychiatrists and psychologists. He both conducts forensic psychological evaluations and trains others to do so. “For years I would have said, ‘We really are unbiased, because we’re required to be,’” he said. “But over the years I realized we really didn’t have any genuine data on this important question, and that the field just took it on faith that evaluators could do their work objectively.”

So he and his colleagues set out to find some hard numbers. After several observational studies in the field — where it is impossible to rule out other explanations for “adversarial allegiance” — they designed the most rigorous experiment they could. The researchers recruited experienced forensic psychiatrists and psychologists from several states by offering a free continuing education workshop on the psychological tests used to evaluate sexually violent predators. A total of 118 attended, receiving real training over two days. In exchange, they agreed to provide paid consultation to a state agency that was reviewing a large number of sexually violent offender files. Or so they were told.

When the participants returned weeks later to provide paid consultation on what they thought was a large cohort of offender files, researchers actually gave all the participants the same four files to review. When participants met with a real lawyer, half were led to believe they were working with the defense, while the other half thought they were working with the prosecution.

The results were significantly different – and broke down along employment lines.

Measuring Bias
The experts scored the offenders on two scales widely used in court proceedings. The experts who thought they were working for the prosecution tended to assign higher risk scores; the defense experts tended to assign lower risk scores. The differences were striking because in other contexts, different experts usually provide very similar scores on these tests, and scores rarely differ by more than a few points. But in this study, the scores often differed more than the typical error rate, and they differed systematically depending on the side.

Not every expert demonstrated biased scoring, of course. But analyses suggested that most opposing pairs of evaluators had score differences greater than could be attributable to chance alone.

“It’s disappointing, because we’re not seeing clinicians demonstrate the objectivity we’re all aspiring to,” Murrie said of the study findings. “But it’s also alarming because bias has such implications for justice. We really do want our justice system to have objective, reliable data, but at times the adversarial process that’s supposed to bring us closer to the truth is actually distorting the truth.” Murrie mentioned that their findings were similar to recent evidence of bias in other forensic sciences, such as DNA and fingerprint analysis.

Ensuring Fairness
The findings are in press with the journal Psychological Science. Murrie hopes that the study will prompt experts in his field to take a hard look at how evaluators are trained and how they practice.

“Most people in this line of work really do try to be objective and pride themselves on being objective,” Murrie said. “But our hope is that these results prompt us to better consider how these adversarial arrangements can affect our work, and to build some better safeguards.” ..Source.. by Augusta Free Press

Only Yesterday: The Rise and Fall of Twentieth Century Sexual Psychopath Laws

Excellent Paper
9-9-2012 National:

Abstract:
Sexually violent predator laws are not the first wave of American legislation aimed at committing sex offenders to locked mental hospitals; they are the second. Preceding them by half a century were the sexual psychopath laws, which differed in significant detail but provided the same basic framework of indeterminacy and dangerousness.

This article looks at the history of the sexual psychopath laws. It begins by critically examining the popular belief that there was a sex crime wave. It then discussed different solutions proffered to solve the sex crime problem. Finally, it provides an overview of the sexual psychopath laws and discusses the reasons for their demise. ..Source.. by Tamara Rice Lave, University of Miami, School of Law

Most civilly detained sex offenders would not reoffend, study finds

7-21-2013 National:

Other new research finds further flaws with actuarial methods in forensic practice

At least three out of every four men being indefinitely detained as Sexually Violent Predators in Minnesota would never commit another sex crime if they were released.

That’s the conclusion of a new study by the chief researcher for the Department of Corrections in Minnesota, the state with the highest per capita rate of preventive detention in the United States.
--Study examined 105 sex offenders civilly committed between 2004 and 2006.

--MnSOST-3 used to estimate effects of civil commitment on sex offense recidivism.

--Estimated four-year sexual recidivism rate was 9 percent for civil commits.

--Civil commitment reduced four-year sexual recidivism rate by 12 percent.

--Estimated lifetime sexual recidivism rate was 28 percent.
Using special statistical procedures and a new actuarial instrument called the MnSOST-3 that is better calibrated to current recidivism rates, Grant Duwe estimated that the recidivism rate for civilly committed sex offenders -- if released -- would be between about 5 and 16 percent over four years, and about 18 percent over their lifetimes. Only two of the 600 men detained since Minnesota's law was enacted have been released, making hollow the law's promise of rehabilitation after treatment.

Duwe -- a criminologist and author of a book on the history of mass murder in the United States -- downplays the troubling Constitutional implications of this finding, focusing instead on the SVP law’s exorbitant costs and weak public safety benefits. He notes that "Three Strikes" laws, enacted in some U.S. states during the same time period as SVP laws based on a similar theory of selective incapacitation of the worst of the worst, have also not had a significant impact on crime rates.

The problem for the field of forensic psychology is that forensic risk assessment procedures have astronomical rates of false positives, or over-predictions of danger, and it is difficult to determine which small proportion of those predicted to reoffend would actually do so.

Minnesota has taken the lead in civilly detaining men with sex crime convictions, despite the state's only middling crime rates. Unlike in most U.S. states with SVP laws, sex offenders referred for possible detention are not entitled to a jury trial and, once detained, do not have a right to periodic reviews. Detention also varies greatly by county, so geographic locale can make the difference between a lifetime behind bars and a chance to move on with life after prison.

Ironically, as noted by other researchers, by the time an offender has done enough bad deeds to be flagged for civil commitment, his offending trajectory is often on the decline. Like other criminals, sex offenders tend to age out of criminality by their 40s, making endless incarceration both pointless and wasteful.

The study, To what extent does civil commitment reduce sexual recidivism? Estimating the selective incapacitation effects in Minnesota, is forthcoming from the Journal of Criminal Justice. ..Source.. by Karen Franklin, In the News

How Impressed Are Jurors with Risk Measures?

8-15-2013 National:

Scores from risk measures are a primary focus for scholars and forensic evaluators who attempt to estimate sex–offender recidivism risk. But do they matter to the jurors who make decisions about sex offenders in civil commitment trials?

The authors of a recent paper published in Psychology, Public Policy, and Law surveyed jurors at the end of 26 sexually violent predator trials to examine the relation between risk-measure scores reported at trial and jurors' beliefs about the likelihood that the respondent would commit a new sexual offense if released.

Jurors' perceptions of respondents' recidivism risk were not associated with respondents' scores on the Static-99 (R. K. Hanson & K. E. Thornton, 2000), Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool-Revised (D. L. Epperson, J. D. Kaul, S. J. Huot, D. Hesselton, W. Alexander, & R. Goldman, 1998), or Hare's Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (R. D. Hare, 2003).

Jurors viewed respondents as less likely to reoffend and were more skeptical about the ability of experts to predict recidivism when an expert testified on behalf of the respondent. Findings highlight the incongruence between recidivism research, which identifies risk-measure scores as the strongest known predictors of sexual recidivism, and jury decision making. ..Source.. by Providentia

Focusing on sex offenders

2-2-2010 North Carolina:

CHAPEL HILL — The term "deviant sex offenders" might seem redundant. How could anyone who commits a sexual offense be anything but deviant?

In reaction to such sentiments, there has been a federal attempt since 2006 to create a policy that allows federal officials to civilly commit offenders deemed too sexually dangerous to release even

after they have served their federal prison terms. The feds' push for civil commitment authority was challenged and is now being weighed by the U.S. Supreme Court.

At least 20 states already have civil commitment laws in place, and although no such law exists in North Carolina there has been interest in one. The high court's ruling could potentially force our state to accept and commit sex offenders from federal prisons, a costly expense that according to different studies could range anywhere from $60,000 to nearly $139,000 per inmate each year.

If the court does not uphold this ruling, North Carolina could still pass its own state civil commitment law, following in the footsteps of states that already have such laws in place but have not produced evidence that there has been a drop in the rate of sex crimes as a result of such policies.

Recent research has now questioned the efficacy of policies designed to identify and intensely monitor sex offenders. In a 2008 study from New York State's Department of Corrections, rates of sex crimes were compared for the 10 years prior to the passage of Megan's law (sex offender registry) to the 10 years after the registry was put into effect. This study found that even after the passage of the registration law, there was no change in the rate of sex crimes because more than 96 percent of all sexual crimes are committed by first-time offenders.

In other words, the law had no effect on reducing the number of sexual assaults because less than 4 percent of these crimes were committed by repeat offenders. So although state and federal governments have spent billions of dollars to contain and monitor offenders in the community, these efforts have not reduced the number of victims who have suffered through the experience of a sexual assault, as they do not capture the range of individuals at risk of committing a sex crime.

Victims of sexual assault deserve better laws that will effectively protect them and others from similar experiences.

Unfortunately, somewhat lost in the current debate and lawsuit is the effort to classify those with a mental illness as a higher risk for committing a crime. Currently, federal authorities identify individuals according to those who have "been found to have a mental illness or abnormality that makes them likely to strike again if they are released."

But mental illness is a term used to describe a wide variety of mental conditions, and while there is some evidence that people with particular disorders are more likely to be aggressive, including sexually aggressive, this category is ill-defined in the current law and could be interpreted differently by individual therapists.

At most, it is estimated that clinicians can predict with 10 percent accuracy the risk level of an individual sex offender striking again. For those already working with individuals who struggle with the stigma of mental illness, there will now be added consequences and a new battle to fight: the message that all those who are mentally ill are also dangerous sexual predators.

In addition to increasing survivor services, our state and the federal government would be better served to focus resources on:

Evaluating the effectiveness of civil commitment laws to see if they reduce the rate of sexual crimes

Understanding the factors that lead an individual to commit such a crime

Evaluating effective treatment programs

Those who work within the field of sexual violence are eager to prevent such violence from occurring. The U.S. Supreme Court and North Carolina would be more effective in their efforts if they first identified the causes of these crimes and then identified policies and programs that effectively reduce them. Currently, efforts are under way that would center the focus only on a few individuals, leaving the vast majority of sex crimes unaddressed.

The victims of sexual violence deserve better, including government policies that work, rather than a false sense of hope that the victims and others are safer. ..Source.. by Melissa D. Grady who teaches at the UNC-Chapel Hill School of Social Work.

SEX OFFENDER MANAGEMENT, TREATMENT, AND CIVIL COMMITMENT: AN EVIDENCE BASED ANALYSIS AIMED AT REDUCING SEXUAL VIOLENCE


9-25-2013:

Executive Summary:

This study was designed to provide a comprehensive exploratory examination of the program management, treatment, and recidivism of sexual offenders in New Jersey. There were four main objectives of the research: 1) To provide normative data on a large sample of New Jersey sex offenders; 2) To determine which sex offenders get selected for treatment and what criteria are used to make that decision; 3) To examine the effect of treatment on recidivism; and 4) To compare those offenders selected for commitment as a Sexually Violent Predator (SVP) with those offenders not selected for commitment.

Data were gathered from the archival records of 3,168 male sex offenders who were housed at either a prison-based sex offender treatment facility (treatment group) or any of the New Jersey State prisons (no treatment group) and released from custody between the years 1996 and 2007. Additionally, archival data were gathered from all detained or committed SVPs. Federal and state recidivism data were obtained for all released offenders.

Ultimately, three general outcome categories were the focus of the analyses: selection for treatment (determined by whether the offender was housed at the prison-based sex offender treatment facility), recidivism (determined by whether an offender was convicted of an additional offense—sexual or non-sexual—following release), and SVP commitment (determined by whether the offender was released or civilly committed upon completion of the index sentence).

After coding the archival file data for offender characteristics, offense characteristics, risk assessment outcomes, and recidivism (and what type of recidivism, if applicable), comparisons were made via chi-square analysis and independent samples t-test across these three outcomes; that is, we compared treated and non-treated offenders, recidivists and non-recidivists, and committed and not-committed offenders on these factors.

Additionally, a series of classification tree analyses and logistic regressions were conducted to gather insight into what factors were most strongly indicative of selection for treatment, SVP commitment, and recidivism. ..Source.. by Cynthia Calkins Mercado, PI -and- Elizabeth Jeglic, PI -and- Keith Markus, Co-PI -and- R. Karl Hanson, Consultant -and- Jill Levenson, Consultant

Accuracy of Sexually Violent Person Assessments of Juveniles Adjudicated for Sexual Offenses

4-8-2013:

Abstract:
This study reviewed the records of 198 juveniles who were committed to secured custody after being adjudicated delinquent for a sexually violent offense that qualified them for possible commitment under a Sexually Violent Person’s (SVP) civil commitment law. For an individual to be committed, the statute requires that the individual have a qualifying mental disorder and is “likely,” to commit a future act of sexual violence.

Each youth was screened by at least two expert examiners in a two-step process. Fifty-four of the youth were found to meet the commitment criteria in an initial examination and were subject to an SVP petition. The remaining 144 were screened out. Subsequent criminal charges were collected over a 4.97-year mean follow-up.

The results showed that the prevalence rates for general sexual offending and felony sexual offending did not differ between youth who were screened out and those who were subject to a petition. Among petitioned youth, 11.76% were charged with a new sexual offense including 9.80% who were charged with a felony sexual assault.

By comparison, 17.36% of the youth that were screened out were charged with a sexual offense including 13.19% who were charged with a felony sexual assault, a nonsignificant difference. ..Source.. by Michael Caldwell, PsyD

Sexually Violent Predators Civil Commitment by State

2007 National:

Civil Commitment: As of March 14, 2007, 20 States civilly commit sex offenders. Of these 20 States 11 states civilly commit juvenile sex offenders. Pennsylvania is the only state that civilly commits juveniles but not
adults.
----On January 1, 2007, New Hampshire’s civil commitment law went in to effect, bringing the total
number of states that civilly commit sex offenders to 19.

----On March 14, 2007, Governor Elliot Spizer signed New York’s civil commitment bill into law, making
New York the 20th state to enact civil commitment legislation. The Act will go in to effect on April 14,
2007.
... ...Source.. by Nicole Pittman Esq, Juvenile Justice Policy Analyst Attorney, Defender Association of Philadelphia

To what extent does civil commitment reduce sexual recidivism? Estimating the selective incapacitation effects in Minnesota

June 2013:

Abstract

Purpose
This study examines the selective incapacitation effects of civil commitment on sexual reoffending among 105 Minnesota sex offenders who were civilly committed between 2004 and 2006.

Methods
The Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool-3, a sexual recidivism risk assessment instrument, was used to estimate what the four-year sexual recidivism rate would have been for these offenders had they been released to the community. Integration of Survival with Quality of Life (iSQoL) software was used to extrapolate the survival curves over a 50-year period to develop a lifetime sexual recidivism estimate.

Results
If the 105 civilly committed sex offenders had been released to the community, an estimated nine percent would have been reconvicted of a new sex offense within four years. Civilly committing these offenders therefore likely reduced the overall four-year sexual recidivism rate by 12 percent. The results further suggest that if these offenders had been released to the community, an estimated 28 percent would be rearrested for another sex offense within their lifetime.

Conclusions
To better align the costs of civil commitment with its public safety benefits, states operating these programs should emphasize the use of intermediate alternatives in the community for a more positive return on investment.



Highlights

• Study examined 105 sex offenders civilly committed between 2004 and 2006.
• MnSOST-3 used to estimate effects of civil commitment on sex offense recidivism.
• Estimated four-year sexual recidivism rate was 9 percent for civil commits.
• Civil commitment reduced four-year sexual recidivism rate by 12 percent.
• Estimated lifetime sexual recidivism rate was 28 percent.

..Source.. by Grant Duwe

The Science of Sex Abuse

1-14-2013 National:

Is it right to imprison people for heinous crimes they have not yet committed?

On a Saturday night in the summer of 1998, an undercover officer logged in to a child-pornography chat room using the screen name Indy-Girl. Within minutes, a user named John introduced himself and asked her, “Are you into real life or just fantasy?” Indy-Girl said that because of the “legality of it” she had never acted on her fantasies. But she soon revealed an adventurous spirit. She was a bisexual college sophomore, she said, and had learned about sex at an early age. “My mother is very European,” she explained.

John, a thirty-one-year-old soldier stationed in Fort Campbell, Kentucky, had been using the Internet for less than a year. He began downloading child pornography after watching a television special about how Internet child porn had become epidemic. He hadn’t realized that it existed. In the five months since he’d seen the show, he had downloaded more than two thousand images from child-pornography news groups. In the anonymous chat rooms, he felt free to adopt a persona repugnant to society. He told Indy-Girl that he was a “real-life pedophile,” adding, “At least here I can come out and admit it.”

“What’s the kinkiest you’ve done?” Indy-Girl asked. John said he’d had sex with a ten-year-old while her parents were skiing, and with a fourteen-year-old at a night club in Germany. Indy-Girl recognized that she was too old for him, which was “depressing,” but she offered that her little sister liked older men. “Maybe you could intro me,” John wrote. “We could meet somewhere discreet.”

John had been in the Army for eight years, serving in Desert Storm and Bosnia, and had graduated from Penn State with a degree in history. He was thinking of leaving the service, in part because he felt picked on by other soldiers. He had been commended for having a memory for technical details, but he was also nervous, nerdy, and eager to please. At all stages of his life, he had been afflicted with the sense that he was just a “wannabe.”

Unlike other people John met online, Indy-Girl seemed to like him. After a week of conversations, she asked John if he was “r/l” (real life) about the meeting, and when he said that he was she sent him a soft-focus digital image of a girl who she said was her fourteen-year-old sister. “Now don’t be mean when you see it,” she warned. “She still has some of her baby fat, she’s kinda embarrassed.” Undeterred, John described how the three of them would enjoy one another’s company: they could have sex in the shower or in a field of flowers. He encouraged Indy-Girl to “talk dirty” and “let your imagination go wild,” but she cut him off, explaining, “I’m not the cyber ...continued... by Rachel Aviv

Treatment Disclosures in Sex Offender Civil Commitment Evaluations

September 2012:

Statements Made During Treatment-Related Activities May Not Be Privileged for Purposes of Sex Offender Civil Commitment Evaluations

In the case of In the Interest of Maedche, 788 N.W.2d 331 (N.D. 2010), the district court involuntarily committed Thomas Maedche as a sexually dangerous individual. On appeal, the North Dakota Supreme Court decided whether North Dakota's sexual offender civil commitment statute should be voided because of vagueness and whether treatment-related disclosures should be precluded from sex offender commitment proceedings on the basis of the self-incrimination and due process protections of the U.S. Constitution.

Facts of the Case

Thomas Maedche pled guilty and was convicted of indecent exposure for exposing himself and masturbating in front of a nine-year-old girl during a sleepover at a hotel. He submitted to a sex offender risk assessment and psychological evaluation as part of the presentence investigation report. The risk assessment, which included administration of the Static-99 and Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool, Revised (MnSOST-R), indicated a high risk of reoffense. During the psychological evaluation, He denied being sexually attracted to children or engaging in atypical sexual behavior in adulthood, including exposing himself and masturbating in front of the girl in the hotel room. He reported, in a vague manner, having had an inappropriate sexual incident with young girls when he was 12 years old. Records indicated that he had engaged in at least two separate incidents with young girls during his preteen years. Neither of the two psychologists who evaluated him and reviewed his records recommended that he be assessed for civil commitment. Instead, it was recommended that he participate in outpatient treatment, closely supervised probation, and long-term monitoring or community aftercare and that he undergo a polygraph examination, to clarify his denial of the index offense.

Mr. Maedche reported to his probation officer one day after being released from the detention center. During the meeting, Mr. Maedche admitted to having exposed himself to the girl in the hotel. He also stated he has always been attracted to young girls. As part of his terms of probation, he attended outpatient sex offender therapy and submitted to a prepolygraph interview and examination. During the prepolygraph interview, he disclosed previously unknown sexual contact with minors that occurred when he was an adult. These incidents included indecent exposure, molestation of young children, theft and purchase of girls' and women's underwear for sexual gratification, and Internet searches for non-nude pornography, in which children were in suggestive poses. When asked if he would take sexual advantage of someone in his care or custody if he knew no one would find out, he stated, “… [Y]es, I would. I have no doubt in my mind right now that I would. Right now I'm hoping the treatment changes that.” The polygraph examination was scored as inconclusive—neither conclusively deceptive nor truthful.

Shortly after the interview and polygraph examination, the district court found probable cause and ordered Mr. Maedche to undergo a sex offender civil commitment evaluation. He was evaluated by two psychologists. Each psychologist completed a report and testified before the district court. The psychologists disagreed about whether he met the statutory definition of a sexually dangerous individual. The evaluator who concluded that he did not meet statutory criteria based her opinion on the belief that he did not meet the statutory definition of a sexually dangerous individual, that there was no evidence that he had serious difficulty controlling his behavior, and that he was not likely to engage in further acts of sexually predatory conduct. The district court held that he was a sexually dangerous person and civilly committed him.

Mr. Maedche appealed his commitment by arguing that North Dakota's sex offender civil commitment statute, North Dakota Century Code, Chapter 25-03.3 (2001) (hereinafter, § 25-03.3) is unconstitutional, because it is unduly vague and subject to employment in an arbitrary or discriminatory manner, and that self-incrimination and due process guarantees preclude the use of a sex offender's treatment-related disclosures in a civil commitment proceeding.

Ruling and Reasoning

The North Dakota Supreme Court held that § 25-03.3 is not unconstitutionally vague, because it creates minimum guidelines, gives a clear definition of what constitutes a sexually dangerous individual, defines terms used (e.g. sexual act, sexual contact, and sexually predatory contact), and provides a reasonable person with adequate and fair warning of when a civil commitment evaluation may occur. The court agreed with Mr. Maedche's contention that indecent exposure is neither a sexual act nor sexual contact as defined by § 25-03.3. However, it held that the index offense does not have to be the source of the civil commitment petition. He admitted molesting young girls as an adult. Although these incidents were not reported or prosecuted, they constituted sexually predatory conduct that was permissible for the district court to consider for purposes of civil commitment.

Regarding his disclosures during the prepolygraph interview and examination, the court held that admission of these incriminating statements did not violate his due process rights and privilege against self-incrimination. In Allen v. Illinois, 478 U.S. 364 (1986), the U.S. Supreme Court held that sex offender civil commitment proceedings were not criminal within the meaning of the Fifth Amendment, and due process does not require the privilege against self-incrimination to apply. In Interest of M.D., 598 N.W.2d 799 (N.D. 1999), the North Dakota Supreme Court held that § 25-03.3 is not criminal, because it focuses on treatment and predicting future behavior. Mr. Maedche argued that while treatment may be the stated purpose of § 25-03.3, the procedures used and consequences imposed in his case make the statute punitive. In its opinion, the court stated that he did not offer “the clearest proof” that § 25-03.3 is “so punitive,” either in purpose or effect as to negate the state's intention that the statute is civil as opposed to criminal. The court identified elements of sex offender civil commitment in North Dakota that further indicate that § 25-03.3 is not criminal. For instance, sexually dangerous individuals are committed to the care, custody, and control of the executive director of the North Dakota Department of Human Services. The director then places the committed individual in the least restrictive treatment facility or program available. Each year, the committed individual may request discharge, and the state must show by clear and convincing evidence that the individual remains sexually dangerous.
Dissent

One justice provided a dissenting opinion and argued that Mr. Maedche was committed in violation of his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. The dissent went beyond the civil nature of the statute and focused primarily on the “context” in which he made his incriminating statements. The dissenting justice argued that Mr. Maedche was compelled, as a condition of his probation, which was part of his criminal sentence, to take a prepolygraph interview and examination. The polygraph was not administered by a therapist, but rather by a Bureau of Criminal Investigations (BCI) agent. If Mr. Maedche had failed to respond to the polygraph questions, he would have violated conditions of probation. Such a violation could have led him to lose his liberty for the time to which he could have originally been sentenced. Instead, by complying with the conditions of his probation, he lost his liberty for an indefinite period. In addition, by submitting to the polygraph, he disclosed the only act he engaged in as an adult that qualified as “sexually predatory conduct” for purposes of civil commitment. This act was previously unknown to law enforcement, and the sexual history that was known was insufficient to commit him. Furthermore, he had submitted to the polygraph without the presence of counsel.

Discussion

Each of the court's main findings surrounding In the Interest of Maedche has implications for forensic practice. The court held that North Dakota's sex offender civil commitment statute was not unduly vague, in part because it gives a “clear” definition of a sexually dangerous individual and defines the terms used. Section 25-03.3 defines a qualifying diagnosis as “a congenital or acquired condition that is manifested by a sexual disorder, a personality disorder, or other mental disorder or dysfunction that makes that individual likely to engage in further acts of sexually predatory conduct” (Maedche, p 335). By classifying this definition as “clear,” without addressing the inherent vagueness of the word “other,” the court did not address the difficulty that forensic evaluators have faced in determining what constitutes a qualifying diagnosis for purposes of sex offender civil commitment (see Sex Abuse 19:425–48, 2007).

Regarding treatment-related disclosures, the admissibility of Mr. Maedche's statements during the prepolygraph interview and polygraph examination turned on the question of whether the statements were made in a civil or criminal context. If statements are made in a civil context, the privilege against self-incrimination does not apply; if statements are made in a criminal context, it does.

In its decision, the North Dakota Supreme Court broadly construed what constitutes “treatment” for purposes of sex offender civil commitment.

While this ruling applies only in North Dakota, clinicians in other jurisdictions should take note of how such a broad interpretation may affect clients whom they treat, and they should adjust their warnings as to the limits of confidentiality accordingly. ..Source.. by
Derek T. Hess, JD, PhD -and- Ira K. Packer, PhD

Symposium: Preventative Detention: Sex Offender Exceptionalism and Preventive Detention

September 2012:

Abstract:
The emerging war on sex offenders, as typical of wartime mentality, has been marked by substantial deviations from established legal doctrine, constitutional protections, and the rule of law. Because of a high level of panic among the general population about sex offenders the use of preventative detention for sex offenders has received little attention or scrutiny.

While the population of the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay has slowly decreased, the number of persons in state and federal detention centers dedicated to sex offenders has continued to climb. With the courts largely rubber stamping the federal civil commitment of sex offenders allowed under the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act (AWA) in 2006, the path has been cleared for an enormous expansion of sex offender detention.

Because of the limited attention given to these detentions, they represent a particularly dire threat to American liberties. The normal societal and institutional checks against government abuse embodied in the media, public, Constitution, and courts have essentially been removed.

We authorize government to detain indefinitely those who are deemed “sexually dangerous” at our peril. Instead of waiting for someone to commit a wrong, the government acts to restrict liberty of persons who have yet to commit a wrong (but the government believes will likely do so in the future). The criminal justice system offers plenty of opportunities for the government to prosecute someone before harm is done using inchoate and conspiracy crimes.

To go beyond those already broad tools, the circumstances should be highly exceptional, the danger should be real and imminent, and the net should be cast narrowly. In the case of sex offender civil commitment, the circumstances are no more dangerous than for other serious crimes, the risk is speculative based upon pseudo-science, and the net is far too broad.

Because of these aspects of sex offender civil commitment laws, America should fundamentally reconsider its approach to fighting sexual violence. Laws like AWA, premised on myths that allocate substantial resources in a never ending war, do not create a just or better society. ..Source.. by Corey Rayburn Yung, University of Kansas School of Law

Supervised Release and Discharge of Sexually Violent Persons

8-2-2012 Wisconsin:

Introduction:

This Staff Brief describes the standards that must be met in order for a person who has been civilly committed as a sexually violent person to be released to supervised release or discharged from the commitment.

Chapter 980, Stats., governs civil commitments of sexually violent persons. Wisconsin was one of the first states to enact such a law. Currently, 20 states civilly commit certain sex offenders. These laws have been challenged on the basis of due process, double jeopardy, and equal protection and have generally been held to be constitutional.

This Staff Brief summarizes sections of ch. 980, Civil Commitment of Sexually Violent Persons, Stats., related to initial commitment under the chapter and to petitions for discharge and supervised release. The Brief also summarizes case law relevant to the constitutionality of ch. 980 civil commitments and to discharge and supervised release procedures. ..Source.. by This Staff Brief was prepared by Katie Bender-Olson and Mike Queensland, Staff Attorneys.

Treating Pedophiles: Therapy Can Work, But It's a Challenge

12-16-2011 Minnesota:

For years David Prescott sat face to face with pedophiles, trying to evaluate if the people before him were making progress in treatment.

Prescott is a licensed therapist who worked in Minnesota, one of the 20 states that have passed civil commitment laws. Courts in these states have the power to confine child molesters, rapists and other sex offenders who have finished their prison sentences but are deemed too dangerous to re-enter the community. The former inmates can stay there indefinitely, or until they prove therapy has made them safe to leave.

"So far, research shows that treatment very definitely can work," Prescott said. But critics of the treatment point out that psychotherapy doesn't work if someone drops out of therapy, or is kicked out. And treatment centers can cost tens of thousands of dollars per person each year. A 2011 government audit showed Minnesota spent $120,000 annually per person in civil commitment. (See also: Audit: Inconsistencies, high cost in Minn. sex offender treatment )

Two decades of published work with sex offenders haven't produced a cure Prescott said. (Added by eAdvocate: One must understand DESIRE and be able to explain it, before one will understand why there is no cure for sexual desire, inherent in all human beings. Instead of thinking "Cure" one must view this in the sense of "Management."). Instead, therapists aim to help pedophiles resist their urges. (i.e., management) ..Source.. by Lauren Cox, MyHealthNewsDaily Contributor

Rethinking the Indefinite Detention of Sex Offenders

May 2011:

Abstract:
Thousands of sex offenders in the United States are being held indefinitely under civil commitment programs. The analysis in this Article suggests that none (or precious few) belong there. Specifically, in a large dataset, an instrument as good as the one most widely used by experts (the “Static-99”) could not identify even one sex offender who met the legal standards for commitment. Supplementing such instruments with additional information appears not to improve matters, so the failure of the instrument is profoundly disturbing.

There are three possible responses:
(1) improve instruments to meet existing standards;
(2) lower the standards; and
(3) abandon sex offender civil commitment.
This Article focuses on the first response, identifying and correcting flaws in the most widely-used instrument. But the greater significance of the Article is to reframe the debate around the other two potential responses. Can we predict the future well enough to justify the indefinite detention of “dangerous” people? ..Source.. by Fredrick E. Vars, University of Alabama - School of Law

Policy Interventions Designed to Combat Sexual Violence: Community Notification and Civil Commitment

2004 National:

Abstract
Much attention has been given to the problem of sexual predators and the struggles of the legal-justice system to contain them. In response to public outcry over high-profile sex crimes, federal and state legislators have responded in the past decade with innovative but controversial public policy initiatives, called “sexually violent predator statutes.” In 1996 President Clinton signed “Megan's Law,” mandating all 50 states to develop requirements for convicted sex offenders to register with local law enforcement agencies and to notify communities when a sex offender lives in close proximity. Less publicized have been the civil commitment statutes introduced by 16 states which allow convicted sex offenders to be evaluated for involuntary and indefinite confinement in a psychiatric hospital following their release from prison. This article will review the literature regarding community notification and civil commitment as interventions designed to combat sexual violence. The history and context of each policy will be discussed, as will a review of available research evaluating the impact of each policy. Implications for future research and social policy will be examined.

For the full paper: by Jill S. Levenson

Comparison of Measures of Risk for Recidivism in Sexual Offenders

May 2010:

Abstract:
Data for both sexual and violent recidivism for the Static-99, Risk Matrix 2000 (RM 2000), Rapid Risk Assessment for Sex Offense Recidivism (RRASOR), and Static-2002 are reported for 419 released sexual offenders assessed at the Regional Treatment Centre Sexual Offender Treatment Program. Data are analyzed by offender type as well as the group as a whole. Overall, the Static-2002 performed best for both outcomes, although differences between measures were not significant. The one exception to this was the RRASOR, which overall performed poorly. For rapists, the Static-2002 performed best for sexual recidivism, and the Risk Matrix 2000 performed best for violent recidivism. None of the measures performed well in predicting recidivism for child molesters. The components of the Static-2002 were examined in a regression analysis predicting sexual recidivism. Persistence of Sexual Offending and Age at Release were the only significant predictors for the group as a whole and for rapists. For child molesters, only the Deviant Sexual Interests component was significant. Results are discussed in terms of the current debate concerning age and risk for reoffence.

For the remainder of this paper: by Jan Looman, Regional Treatment Centre, Kingston, Canada -AND- Jeffrey Abracen, Central District Parole Office, Canada