We now have added "Informational Posts" which are tidbits of information that may come in handy at some point.
Showing posts with label Recidivism - Failure to Register. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Recidivism - Failure to Register. Show all posts

Failure to Register: Are Violations Overblown?

June 2013:

“As a crime of omission, each failure to report ordinary life events is an opportunity for registrants to commit a new felony.”

Over the last two decades, registration for sexual offenders in the US has become the law of the land. It seems intuitive that tracking known sexual offenders should reduce sexual abuse, but with data indicating that sexual offense recidivism is much lower than widely believed and as many as 95% of arrests for sexual abuse are first time offenders, there are legitimate controversies about the sex offender registry, as well as valid questions about how efficacious it is to register and track known sexual offenders.

A growing body of research indicates sexual offender registration is not very effective in reducing sexual offending. There are persuasive arguments that the registry results in more harm than good, especially for juveniles. A number of organizations have been particularly critical of registration for juveniles, most recently Human Rights Watch. David Prescott wrote about juvenile registration in a recent SAJRT blog. Some scholars suggest the sex offender registry is not making society safer but, rather, is the misguided result of government abdication to moral panic.

The Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA) requires strict registration requirements and includes severe penalties for failure to register (FTR). Many states are not in full compliance with SORNA, in part because of the burdensome cost of compliance and, perhaps, because the classification system required by the Adam Walsh Act is not supported by research. Still, significant public resources are expended to ensure compliance with registration. But, the question remains: is FTR actually a risk factor for reoffending?

A 2006 report from the state of Washington suggests that FTR offenders recidivate at a rate 50% higher than compliant sexual offenders. However, upon closer review of that data, five-year felony sexual offense recidivism rates for compliant offenders were 2.8% compared to 4.3% for offenders with FTR citations.

Similar low rates of sexual reoffending are well established in the literature. Trending research appears to support the contention that sexual offender registration and notification is not effective in reducing recidivism, and mounting research also indicates FTR does not predict sexual reoffending.

These findings are consistent with a 2010 study by the Minnesota DOC that indicates FTR is not significantly related to either sexual recidivism or general recidivism, but is not surprisingly a predictor of future FTR. If research continues to confirm these conclusions, it would seem public policies compelling registration are misguided, and severe criminal penalties for FTR are unwarranted.

Jill Levenson (with others) has conducted extensive research on FTR, providing compelling evidence that concerns about FTR are broadly unsupported. In a recent post on the listserv of the Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers (ATSA—6/5/13, reprinted with permission), Jill wrote this review of most FTR studies:
FTR seems to be related to general criminal recidivism rather than sexual recidivism, which makes sense in that it is, for some offenders, about general self regulation rather than sexual deviance. Over time FTR has become the most common recidivism offense for RSOs, probably because it is so easily detected and proven. However, there are a multitude of possible explanations for FTR (especially as registration rules have become more complex): inadvertent or negligent noncompliance, confusion about requirements, poor general self-regulatory or life-management skills, a tendency toward rule violation, and outright rebellion against registration mandates… It is important to know that FTR is not equivalent to absconding…

There are NOT 100,000 missing sex offenders as often declared by media reports who inaccurately attribute the statistic to NCMEC and USMS (who also still report 100,000 missing despite knowing that empirical data do NOT come close to supporting this). It is important for all of us to try to correct this myth each time we see it.
ATSA member Robin Wilson added that FTR could affect scoring on the (actuarial risk assessment instrument) Stable-2007 for lack of “cooperation with supervision,” and therefore FTR could have some effect on risk tools, but it may not mean much treatment-wise. For professionals who are routinely sampling dynamic risk in clients in a systematic way, there would likely already be indicators that an offender was slipping in the more clinically oriented domains.

From my viewpoint in Minnesota, FTR is perhaps the most frequent “new offense” with young men who have to register—an observation supported in the literature. Consistent with Jill’s contention, my sense is that most FTRs are likely the result of disorganization and carelessness, and probably not deliberate avoidance.

FTR may, with higher frequencies, snare younger or single guys because such adults are more frequently moving, living with various friends and relatives, changing jobs, attending school, buying cars, traveling, etc. These events might occur dozens of times when young adults are in their teens and twenties.

Even first-time FTR can carry severe penalties, with typically some jail time and five or more years being added to an offender’s registration period. The stakes go up for any repeat non-compliance. A second registration error typically results in mandatory incarceration and the potential of lifetime registration. Most violators are prosecuted under state laws, but FTR might also be a federal crime.

FTR is a crime of omission. Because registerable events are inherently benign, unlike say the commission of accessing child pornography or using illicit drugs, it is easy for registrants to be less than appropriately cautious about the omission of FTR. Registration may seem akin to completing a change of address card for the post office but, of course, of immeasurably greater import. As a status offense, each failure to report ordinary life events is an opportunity for registrants to commit a new felony.


How and why are registrants non-compliant?

It is not just important to understand how registrants are non-compliant, but to more closely examine why. Juveniles can get lulled into not thinking about registration because while they are on juvenile probation it is common for adults or probation agents to maintain a juvenile's reporting requirements. Adults would be wise to strongly encourage juveniles get into the habit of self-reporting registry updates.

It is likely that registration is not an easy discussion for registrants to have with unknowing family and friends. It’s also a tough topic for new relationships. It may be necessary to coach guys on how to explain registration—especially to housemates—so offenders don't avoid registration for fear of social consequences.

Many registrants have offenses that are revealed in public records, making it difficult to get a job or qualify for an apartment. Most offenders will be banned from public housing, apartment complexes, or on-campus housing. These restrictions may result in even more frequent changes in housing or employment than is common for young adults.

In locales with both registration requirements and residency restrictions, independent housing might be unattainable. Registrants who don’t have a permanent address need to know how to properly register in their jurisdiction. Homeless registrants typically must report weekly to local law enforcement. Each week is another opportunity for non-compliance.

For registrants who can find housing, a frequent lapse is not having their names on an apartment mailbox (or being barred from doing so because they are not named on a lease). Compliance letters requiring an offender to reply are often undelivered, and are returned to state compliance authorities by the US Post Office marked as “addressee unknown.” In such cases the registrant doesn’t even realize such letters were returned, constituting non-compliance.

A final recommendation to mitigate consequences of FTR: The burden of proof for compliance is on the offender. Registration updates via US mail typically leaves the offender with no personal proof of timely compliance. Registrants would be well advised to personally deliver registration updates to local authorities (typically a law enforcement agency, if/when that’s an option), ask someone in authority to sign and date the registration update form, and retain a copy.

Regardless of how offenders register, they would be wise to maintain a file folder with a copy of every registration, creating a personal history of compliance. Such documentation may become a “get out of jail free” pass for offenders that need to prove compliance, or at least demonstrate their track-record of conscientious effort. Perhaps some jurisdictions will offer an online registration option for offenders to maintain a history of registry updates, assuming registrants are not restricted from using the Internet.

FTR is not simply “failing to register” but, perhaps, most often the failure to register in a timely manner. Recently one of my clients was 10 days late registering a change in employment. Unable to offer an acceptable excuse, he was sentenced to six months in jail, five years probation, and five years was added to his registration period. His last offense was when he was 14. He was first put on the registry at age 15, for 10 years. One year short of his first registration expiring, he is now an adult felon, and the event restarted his original registration period. In Minnesota, incarceration, for nearly any reason, resets the registry clock back to zero. If he maintains perfect compliance for 15 more years, he’ll graduate from the registry when his son graduates from high school, if he’s allowed to raise his son.


FTR: unjust and misguided public policies

If FTR does not contribute to risk for sexual reoffending, and risk diminishes with age, then lengthy periods of registration are not really reducing recidivism or making communities safer. Being required to register for decades is, in reality, retribution with interminable opportunities for FTR. Prudent public policies are compromised when violations of the “civil” requirements of registration carry severe criminal penalties so damaging that offenders may never recover.

The social challenges attached to being a “sex offender” and FTR by proxy, are extensive, insidious, and unrelenting. Just when offenders believe conscientious effort and time will eventually put the “SO” label and stigma behind them, one mistake can result in felony FTR becoming lifelong evidence of a previous registerable offense—even if it occurred as a juvenile. With felony FTR, most guys will never wake up from the subsequent housing, employment, and social nightmares. Compromised stabilities undermine the pro-social principles of Good Lives and other well-established tenets of recovery.

The sex offender registry was conceived to help prevent recidivism, but evidence now indicates that it may contribute more to unwarranted public fear than to prudent public safety. Professionals familiar with extant research can help to educate colleagues about FTR myths and facts and, by helping clients to recognize FTR hazards, we can mitigate some of the counterproductive consequences of sex offender registration. Perhaps most importantly, the registry has morphed into misguided public policies that divert limited public resources away from truly productive measures to reduce sexual offendingprimary prevention. ..Source.. by Jon Brandt, MSW, LICSW

Failure-to-Register Laws and Public Safety: An Examination of Risk Factors and Sex Offense Recidivism.

4-12-2012 National:

Abstract
The goals of this study were to describe the characteristics of a sample of sex offenders charged with failure to register (FTR) in New York State, compare the FTR and non-FTR groups on relevant risk factors, identify risk factors associated with failing to register, and investigate the relationship between registration noncompliance and both general and sexual rearrest.

FTR offenders were found to be younger, more likely to be a minority race, and have more extensive and varied prior criminal histories as well as a record of supervision violations. Results also indicated that FTR was more strongly correlated with nonsexual recidivism (r = .44) than sexual recidivism (r = .09).

FTR contributed to the likelihood of sexual recidivism for rapists of adult victims, but not for sex offenders with child victims, and occurred in combination with a history of prior sexual crimes and versatility in criminal offending. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).

..For the remainder of this research: by Levenson JS, Sandler JC, Freeman NJ.

Evaluating the Effectiveness of Sex Offender Registration and Notification Policies for Reducing Sexual Violence against Women

September 2010:

Executive Summary:
The purpose of this study was to examine the effectiveness of one state’s sex offender registration and notification policy in reducing sexual violence. The problem of sexual violence is a national legislative priority as evidenced by numerous sex offender-specific policies enacted at the federal level over the past 15 years. Specifics vary among states regarding criminal justice responses to sex offending, but all such policies have as their primary goals the prevention of sexual violence and the reduction of sexual re-offending.

The present study examined the effects of comprehensive registration and community notification policies on rates of sexual violence in South Carolina. Specifically, the present study proposed to evaluate whether broad sex offender registration and notification policies have reduced recidivism or deterred new sexual offenses. Additionally, this study proposed to examine whether unintended effects of broad registration and notification policies have occurred. Of note, the present study focused almost exclusively on the effects of registration and notification as pertains to offenses committed by adults. Given that registration and notification policies often target juveniles adjudicated delinquent as minors, the investigative team has been involved in separate research pertaining to the effects of these policies as pertains to juveniles (see Letourneau & Armstrong, 2008, Letourneau, Bandyopadhyay, Armstrong, & Sinha, 2010; Letourneau, Bandyopadhyay, Sinha, & Armstrong, 2009a; 2009b).

Specific Aims
This study examined whether the introduction of sex offender registration and notification laws in South Carolina were associated with reductions in sexual crimes and, if so, whether this reduction could be attributed to an actual reduction in sexual violence and/or recidivism (i.e., an intended effect) or to changes in criminal judicial processing of individuals for registry crimes (i.e., an unintended effect). In the context of this project, “sex offender” typically refers to anyone with one or more sex crime convictions. Specific sex crime charges are listed in Table 1 and include contact and noncontact offenses against children and adults.

Specific study aims included: (1) To examine whether South Carolina registration and notification policies have the intended effect of preventing first time sexual offending; (2) To examine whether South Carolina registration and notification policies have the intended effect of reducing sexual recidivism for known sex offenders; and (3) To examine whether South Carolina registration and notification policies have the unintended effect of reducing the probability that individuals who commit sexual crimes will be prosecuted or convicted for such crimes. In addition to these primary aims, we also investigated (4) whether registration violations (e.g., failure to register) were associated with sexual or general recidivism.

The following points highlight the key findings of the study:
1. A significant deterrent effect was noted after 1995, the year that South Carolina first implemented sex offender registration and notification (SORN). An approximately 11% reduction in first-time sex crime arrests was found in the post-SORN period (1995-2005) relative to the pre-SORN period (1990-1994).

2. However, there was no significant decline in the six year period after 1999, which was the year that South Carolina implemented its online sex offender registry, indicating that online notification did not influence general deterrence of adult sex crimes.

3. Across a mean follow-up of 8.4 years, 490 (8%) of registered sex offenders had new sex crime charges and 299 (4%) offenders had new sex crime convictions. Registered sex offenders were not less likely to recidivate than non-registered sex offenders.

4. Defendants were more likely to have charges reduced from sex to nonsex crimes over time, with a 9% predicted probability of reduced charges from 1990-1994 (pre-SORN), a 15% predicted probability of reduced charges from 1995-1999 (corresponding with initial implementation of SORN) and a 19% predicted probability after 1999 (corresponding with implementation of Internet notification).

5. Results also indicated that the probability of obtaining a charge reduced from truth-in-sentencing (TIS) to non-TIS increased over time for sex crime defendants.

6. The probability of a guilty disposition changed at each year group, with a predicted probability of 55% from 1990-1994, increasing to 65% from 1995-1999, and then declining to 60% after 1999. This final decline was more pronounced when pleaded cases were removed from analyses.

7. With respect to failure to register (FTR) as a sex offender, no significant differences were found between the sexual recidivism rates of registered offenders with FTR charges and those without FTR charges (11% vs. 9%, respectively). There was no significant difference in the proportion of sexual recidivists and nonrecidivists with registration violations (12% and 10%, respectively). Failure to register did not predict sexual recidivism, and survival analyses revealed no significant difference in time to recidivism when comparing those who failed to register (M = 2.9 years) with compliant registrants (M = 2.8 years).
Conclusions
Results from this program of research indicate that SORN, as implemented in South Carolina, appears to have a positive impact on general deterrence associated with averting approximately three new first-time sex crime cases per month. However, South Carolina’s SORN policy has no effect on deterring the risk of sexual recidivism. South Carolina’s SORN policy does exert unintended effects on judicial decision making with respect to adult sex crime cases. An increased number of defendants were permitted to plead to nonsex charges following the onset of South Carolina’s SORN policy and following its modification to require online notification. The net effects of this change could be to reduce community safety by increasing the likelihood that defendants guilty of sex crimes pleaded to nonsex crimes or were aquitted altogether. Finally, it does not appear that registered sex offenders who failure to register are more sexually dangerous than compliant registrants. For the remainder of this study: by Elizabeth J. Letourneau, Ph.D., Jill S. Levenson, Ph.D., Dipankar Bandyopadhyay, Ph.D., Debajyoti Sinha, Ph.D., Kevin S. Armstrong

The Effects of Failure to Register on Sex Offender Recidivism

May 2010:

Abstract:
Failure to register (FTR) as a predatory offender recently supplanted criminal sexual conduct as the most common recidivism offense for sex offenders released from Minnesota prisons. To date, however, little is known about FTR. The authors attempted to address this gap by examining recidivism outcomes among inmates required to register as predatory offenders who were released from Minnesota prisons between 2000 and 2004. In particular, they analyzed whether an FTR offense (or history of any FTR offense) had a significant impact on sexual, general, and FTR recidivism. To minimize observed differences between FTR and non-FTR offenders, propensity score matching was used to create the non-FTR comparison group. Results from the Cox regression models indicate that an FTR offense did not have a significant effect on either sexual or general recidivism. In contrast, the findings suggested that an FTR conviction significantly increased the risk of recidivism for another FTR offense. Moreover, the results indicated that offenders with at least a GED or high school diploma at the time of release had a significantly reduced risk of FTR recidivism. For the remainder of this paper: by Grant Duwe, Minnesota Department of Corrections, -and- William Donnay, Minnesota Department of Corrections

The Effects of Failure to Register on Sex Offender Recidivism

2010:

Abstract:
Failure to register (FTR) as a predatory offender recently supplanted criminal sexual conduct as the most common recidivism offense for sex offenders released from Minnesota prisons. To date, however, little is known about FTR. The authors attempted to address this gap by examining recidivism outcomes among inmates required to register as predatory offenders who were released from Minnesota prisons between 2000 and 2004. In particular, they analyzed whether an FTR offense (or history of any FTR offense) had a significant impact on sexual, general, and FTR recidivism. To minimize observed differences between FTR and non-FTR offenders, propensity score matching was used to create the non-FTR comparison group. Results from the Cox regression models indicate that an FTR offense did not have a significant effect on either sexual or general recidivism. In contrast, the findings suggested that an FTR conviction significantly increased the risk of recidivism for another FTR offense. Moreover, the results indicated that offenders with at least a GED or high school diploma at the time of release had a significantly reduced risk of FTR recidivism.

For the remiander of this paper: by Grant Duwe, Minnesota Department of Corrections, -AND- William Donnay, Minnesota Department of Corrections

Failure to Register as a Sex Offender: Is it Associated with Recidivism?

June 2009:

Abstract
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between failure to register (FTR) as a sex offender and subsequent recidivism (N = 2,970). No significant differences were found between the sexual recidivism rates of those who failed to register and compliant registrants (11% vs. 9%, respectively). There was no significant difference in the proportion of sexual recidivists and nonrecidivists with registration violations (12% vs. 10%, respectively). FTR did not predict sexual recidivism, and survival analyses revealed no significant difference in time to recidivism when comparing those who failed to register (2.9 years) with compliant registrants (2.8 years). Results fail to support the supposition that sexual offenders who fail to register are more sexually dangerous than those who comply with registration requirements. The punitive emphasis on registration enforcement may not be justified and might divert limited resources away from strategies that would better facilitate public protection from sexual violence.

For the remainder of this paper: by Jill Levenson ; Elizabeth Letourneau ; Kevin Armstrong ;Kristen Marie Zgoba

FAILURE TO REGISTER: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF SEX OFFENSE RECIDIVISM

April 2009:

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
In 2006, the Adam Walsh Act was passed, lengthening registration periods, requiring more frequent updating of registrant information, and expanding the number of sex offenders to whom notification requirements apply. The Adam Walsh Act (AWA) also increased penalties for sex offenders who fail to comply with registration obligations. The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between failure to register as a sex offender and subsequent recidivism. Since little is known about sex offender registration violators, our first goal was to describe the characteristics of a sample of sex offenders convicted of failing to register in South Carolina. Second, we sought to determine whether, as a group, sex offenders who failed to register differed significantly from compliant registrants on relevant risk variables. Third, we endeavored to identify factors predictive of failure to register (FTR). Finally, we evaluated the role of registration noncompliance in contributing to recidivism risk over time.

CONCLUSIONS
Results from this study do not support the supposition that sexual offenders who fail to register are more sexually dangerous than those who comply with registration requirements. Specifically, results indicated that approximately 10% of sex offenders had registry violations across an average follow-up period of about 6 years. Of those who failed to register, 11% also had a sexual recidivism charge, compared with 9% of compliant registrants. The presence of prior sexual offenses did not predict FTR, and FTR did not predict sexual recidivism. Consistent with other research, sex offenders are more likely to reoffend non-sexually than with a subsequent sex crime.

Sexual violence is a serious and complex problem requiring a comprehensive set of strategies to enhance public protection. Interventions based on research data are more likely to succeed in preventing sex crimes by targeting resources toward factors associated with reoffending. The current study indicates that sex offenders who fail to comply with registration are not more apt to reoffend sexually, but substantial resources are spent for enforcement, and, as required by the Adam Walsh Act, to incarcerate violators. We suggest that utilizing empirically derived risk assessment to identify highrisk predators, and assisting sex offenders to reintegrate successfully might contribute in more meaningful ways to public safety.

This report is a summary of a research article forthcoming in the peer-reviewed scientific journal Justice Quarterly.

Levenson, J. S., Letourneau, E., Armstrong, K., & Zgoba, K. (2009, in press). Failure to register as a Sex Offender: Is it associated with recidivism? Justice Quarterly.