We now have added "Informational Posts" which are tidbits of information that may come in handy at some point.
Showing posts with label ~ Levenson Research. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ~ Levenson Research. Show all posts

Obstacles to Help-Seeking for Sexual Offenders: Implications for Prevention of Sexual Abuse

March 2017:

Abstract:
Persons with potentially harmful sexual interests such as attraction to minors are unlikely to seek or receive treatment before a sexual offense has been committed. The current study explored barriers to help-seeking in a sample of 372 individuals in treatment for sexual offending. Results revealed that the shame and secrecy resulting from stigma associated with pedophilic interests often prevented our respondents from seeking professional counseling, and only about 20% tried to talk to anyone about their sexual interests prior to their arrest.

Barriers to seeking and receiving psychological services included concerns about confidentiality, fears of social and legal consequences, personal shame or confusion about the problem, affordability, and challenges finding competent therapists who were adequately equipped to help them. Understanding and ultimately reducing obstacles to help-seeking can improve the quality of life for people with harmful sexual interests and potentially prevent sexual abuse of children or other vulnerable individuals. ..Source.. by Jill S. Levenson and Gwenda M. Willis & Claudia P. Vicencio

Effects of South Carolina’s Sex Offender Registration and Notification Policy on Deterrence of Adult Sex Crimes

April 2010:

Abstract
This study examined whether South Carolina’s sex offender registration and notification (SORN) policy was associated with a general deterrent effect on adult sex crimes.

Using adult arrest data from 1990 through 2005, trend analyses modeled the intervention effects of 1995 (the year South Carolina’s SORN policy was initially implemented) and 1999 (the year the policy was revised to include online registration).

Results supported a significant deterrent effect for the 1995 intervention year, with an approximately 11% reduction in first-time sex crime arrests in the post-SORN period (1995-2005) relative to the pre-SORN period (1990-1994). This decline equated to averting approximately three new sex crime arrests per month.

Comparison analyses with serious nonsex offenses against persons (assault and robbery) failed to identify similar effects, suggesting that the 1995 effect is attributable to sex offense—specific legislation. Findings are compared with the existing literature on general deterrent effects of SORN and discussed in the context of research examining other effects of SORN.

Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006 § 42 USC 16911 et. seq. (2006) ..Source.. by Elizabeth J. Letourneau Jill S. Levenson Dipankar Bandyopadhyay Kevin S. Armstrong Debajyoti Sinha

Effectiveness of residency restrictions in preventing sex offense recidivism

2012 Florida:

Abstract:
Many municipalities have recently extended residence restrictions for sex offenders beyond the provisions of state law, although the efficacy of these measures in reducing recidivism has not been empirically established. This study used arrest histories in Jacksonville, Florida, to assess the effects of a recently expanded municipal 2,500-foot residence restriction ordinance on sex crimes and sex offense recidivism.

Using a quasiexperimental design, pre- and posttest measures of recidivism were compared, and no significant differences in citywide sex crimes or recidivist sex crimes were found. In addition, time-series analysis revealed no significant differences in sex crime trends over time when compared with nonsex crimes from the same offender sample.

After controlling for several demographic factors, individual level multivariate results indicate that the timing of the residence restriction policy was not associated with a meaningful change in sex crime arrests or sex offender recidivism after the policy implementation date, suggesting that the residence restriction did not achieve its intended goal of reducing recidivism. ..Source.. by Matt Nobles, Tasha J. Youstin, and Jill S Levenson

Law Enforcement Perspectives on Sex Offender Registration and Notification Preliminary Survey Results

September 2015:

Abstract:

The study’s first phase involved a series of semi-structured interviews conducted in 2014 with 105 law enforcement professionals in five States and two tribal jurisdictions.

The survey items for the study’s second phase were based on themes, experiences, and perspectives derived from those interviews.

Participants were invited to complete the survey via targeted email outreach, using a nationwide commercial list of 8,840 police chiefs and command staff and a list of 2,921 county sheriffs obtained from the National Sheriffs Association.

A total of 1,247 of those contacted completed the final battery of survey items. The sample included representation from 49 States and the District of Columbia. The final survey item asked for respondents’ opinion on priorities for State and Federal policies for the management of sex offenders in the community.

The highest priority for the greatest percentage of respondents (63 percent) was to expand penalties for non-compliance with registration requirements, followed by high priority for more aggressive prosecution of non-compliance (61.7 percent); expansion of probation and parole supervision (60.4 percent); dedicate funding to registration enforcement (51.5 percent); improvement in the integration of the registry with other criminal justice information systems (50.4 percent); improvement in classification systems (46.9 percent); and an increase in sexual violence prevention education (45.6 percent).

The wording of each survey item is reported, along with responses received for each item. Extensive tables and figures. ..Source..(PDF) by Andrew J. Harris ; Chris Lobanov-Rostovsky ; Jill S. Levenson

Adverse Childhood Experiences and Subsequent Substance Abuse in a Sample of Sexual Offenders: Implications for Treatment and Prevention

January 2015:

Abstract: The purpose of this study was to explore the prevalence of substance abuse indicators in a sample of male sexual offenders (N = 679) and to examine the influence of adverse childhood experiences (ACE) on the likelihood of substance abuse outcomes.

Half of these sex offenders reported a history of drug or alcohol abuse, and nearly one in five reported a substance-related arrest. Higher ACE scores were associated with endorsement of a greater number of substance-abuse-related problems, suggesting that accumulation of early trauma may increase the likelihood for substance misuse.

By enhancing our understanding of the frequency and antecedents of dynamic risk factors such as substance abuse, we can better devise clinical interventions that respond to the comprehensive needs of sexually abusive individuals and reduce risk for sexual reoffense. As well, early interventions for at-risk families and maltreated youth may interrupt their trajectory toward adulthood substance abuse and criminal behavior, including sex offending. ..Source.. by Jill Levenson
School of Social Work, Barry University, Miami Shores, Florida, USA

Adverse Childhood Experiences and Arrest Patterns in a Sample of Sexual Offenders

February 2015:

Abstract:
Developmental psychopathology theories suggest that childhood adversity can contribute to antisocial conduct and delinquent activities. The purpose of this study was to explore the influence of adverse childhood experiences (ACE) on arrest patterns in a sample of sexual offenders (N = 740). Higher ACE scores were associated with a variety of arrest outcomes, indicating that the accumulation of early trauma increased the likelihood of versatility and persistence of criminal behavior.

Rapists of adults had higher ACE scores, lower levels of specialization, and higher levels of persistence than sex offenders with minor victims only. Child sexual abuse, emotional neglect, and domestic violence in the childhood home were significant predictors of a higher number of sex crime arrests.

For measures of nonsexual arrests and criminal versatility, it was the household dysfunction factors—substance abuse, unmarried parents, and incarceration of a family member—that were predictive, suggesting that family dysfunction and a chaotic home environment contributed significantly to increased risk of general criminal behavior.

Sex offenders inspire little sympathy in our society but may be among those most in need of trauma-informed models of treatment that recognize the influence of early adversity on maladaptive schema and self-regulation deficits related to criminal behavior. ..Source.. by Jill S. Levenson and Kelly M. Socia

The Adam Walsh Act An Examination of Sex Offender Risk Classification Systems

February 12, 2015:

Abstract

This study was designed to compare the Adam Walsh Act (AWA) classification tiers with actuarial risk assessment instruments and existing state classification schemes in their respective abilities to identify sex offenders at high risk to re-offend. Data from 1,789 adult sex offenders released from prison in four states were collected (Minnesota, New Jersey, Florida, and South Carolina). On average, the sexual recidivism rate was approximately 5% at 5 years and 10% at 10 years. AWA Tier 2 offenders had higher Static-99R scores and higher recidivism rates than Tier 3 offenders, and in Florida, these inverse correlations were statistically significant.

Actuarial measures and existing state tier systems, in contrast, did a better job of identifying high-risk offenders and recidivists. As well, we examined the distribution of risk assessment scores within and across tier categories, finding that a majority of sex offenders fall into AWA Tier 3, but more than half score low or moderately low on the Static-99R.

The results indicate that the AWA sex offender classification scheme is a poor indicator of relative risk and is likely to result in a system that is less effective in protecting the public than those currently implemented in the states studied. ..Source.. by Kristen M. Zgoba and Michael Miner and Jill Levenson and Raymond Knight and Elizabeth Letourneau and David Thornton

Adverse Childhood Experiences in the Lives of Male Sex Offenders: Implications for Trauma-Informed Care.

June 2014:

Abstract

This study explored the prevalence of childhood trauma in a sample of male sexual offenders (N = 679) using the Adverse Childhood Experience (ACE) scale. Compared with males in the general population, sex offenders had more than 3 times the odds of child sexual abuse (CSA), nearly twice the odds of physical abuse, 13 times the odds of verbal abuse, and more than 4 times the odds of emotional neglect and coming from a broken home. Less than 16% endorsed zero ACEs and nearly half endorsed four or more.

Multiple maltreatments often co-occurred with other types of household dysfunction, suggesting that many sex offenders were raised within a disordered social environment. Higher ACE scores were associated with higher risk scores. By enhancing our understanding of the frequency and correlates of early adverse experiences, we can better devise trauma-informed interventions that respond to the clinical needs of sex offender clients. ..Source.. by Levenson,JS -and- Willis,GM -and- Prescott,DS

Transient Sex Offenders and Residence Restrictions in Florida

July 2013 Florida:

Executive Summary:
The purpose of this study was to better understand the phenomenon of transient sex offenders in the context of residence restriction laws in Florida. The entire population of registered sex offenders living in the community in Florida was studied (n = 23,523). Higher proportions of transient (homeless) sex offenders were found in counties with a larger number of restrictions, vast territory covered by local laws, wide-distance buffer zones, bus stop restrictions, higher population density, and expensive housing costs.

Together, these factors create a perfect storm for elevated levels of sex offender transience. Broward and Miami-Dade Counties together are home to 13.2% of the state's community sex offenders, but 37% of the state's transients. Sex offenders are more likely than the general population to become homeless.

Transients were more likely than non-transients to have a history of failing to register. Few transients abscond, but when they do, they are more likely to abscond from registration than probation. Because housing instability is a risk factor for recidivism and undermines effective monitoring of sex offenders, lawmakers should recognize that transience is an unintended negative consequence of these laws and reconsider residence restrictions as a sex offender management policy.

Introduction:
Sex offender residence restrictions (SORR) laws prohibit registered sex offenders (RSO) from living within close proximity (usually 1,000 to 2,500 feet) of places where children congregate. Despite their popularity, there is no evidence that sex offenders who live closer to schools or daycare centers reoffend more frequently than those who live farther away (Zandbergen, Levenson, & Hart, 2010), or that residential restrictions serve to reduce sexual recidivism (Blood, Watson, & Stageberg, 2008; Duwe, Donnay, & Tewksbury, 2008; Nobles, Levenson, & Youstin, 2009; Socia, 2012).

These well-intended laws result in limited housing options for sex offenders in many metropolitan areas, and their unintended consequences include transience, homelessness, and housing instability. This exploratory study is the first to specifically identify and examine factors associated with sex offender transience. ..See Press Release.. by Levenson, Ackerman, Socia & Harris

Registered Sex Offenders in the United States Behind the Numbers

February 2014 National:

Abstract

Although sex offender registration and notification policies have occupied an increasingly prominent place on state and federal crime control agendas, much policy discourse has occurred amid a dearth of reliable and relevant national data.

This article presents the results of a study designed to broaden knowledge about the registered sex offender (RSO) population and the content of the nation’s sex offender registries. The authors analyze state-level RSO populations across several dimensions, including levels of public Internet disclosure, RSO residential status, supervision status, and assigned risk levels.

Findings suggest significant interstate variation across these dimensions, and indicate that the nation’s RSO population is considerably more diverse and complex than commonly portrayed in the media and in policy debates. Implications for federal and state policies aimed at reforming the nation’s sex offender registries are discussed. ..Source.. by Andrew J. Harris and Jill S. Levenson and Alissa R. Ackerman

"Brothers Under the Bridge": Factors Influencing the Transience of Registered Sex Offenders in Florida

February 2014 National, Florida:

Abstract:
The transience of registered sex offenders (RSOs) is a major impediment to reentry success, particularly because it has been linked to increased absconding and recidivism, and thus decreased community safety. Unfortunately, there is limited existing research on what factors most influence this transience.

The purpose of this study was to identify and explore the relative influence of factors predicting transience for RSOs. Using data gathered from the Florida sex offender registry and multiple supplemental state and federal data sources, the analysis revealed a number of county- and individual-level characteristics that are associated with the likelihood of RSO transience.

At the county level, these include residence restriction coverage, housing affordability, and population density. At the individual level, these include age, minority status, victim type (minor vs. adult), risk level, supervision status, and prior failure to register convictions. Implications for policy and practice are discussed. ..Source.. by Kelly M. Socia and Jill S. Levenson and Alissa R. Ackerman and Andrew J. Harris

Where for Art Thou? Transient Sex Offenders and Residence Restrictions

12-4-2013 National:

Abstract:
The purpose of this study was to better understand transient (homeless) sex offenders in the context of residence restriction laws. Using the entire population of registered sex offenders (RSOs) living in the community in Florida (n = 23,523), transients were compared with other sex offenders on relevant demographics, risk factors, county characteristics, and residence restriction variables.

Significantly higher proportions of transient sex offenders were found in counties with a larger number of local-level restrictions, vast territory covered by these laws, wide-distance buffer zones, higher population density, and expensive housing costs. Sex offenders were more likely than the general population to become homeless.

Transients were more likely than non-transients to have a history of registry violation. Few transients absconded, but when they did, they were more likely to abscond from registration than probation. When implementing sex offender management policies, lawmakers should consider transience as an unintended negative consequence. ..Source.. by Jill Levenson -AND- Alissa R. Ackerman -AND- Kelly M. Socia -AND- Andrew J. Harris

A Consumer Satisfaction Survey of Civilly Committed Sex Offenders in Illinois

2-2-2012 National:

Abstract:
The purpose of this study was to obtain feedback from civilly committed sex offenders (N = 113) about the components of treatment that they believed to be most important and helpful in preventing reoffense. Participants were also asked to rate their satisfaction with the treatment process and therapists.

Victim empathy and accountability were rated as the most important elements of treatment, along with skills for preventing relapse and methods for controlling sexual arousal.

There was a fairly robust correlation between client perceptions of importance and satisfaction on most treatment components. Some clients expressed concerns about respect, confidentiality, and judgmental attitudes of some therapists. Because civilly committed sex offenders are considered to be among the most likely to reoffend, strategies are discussed for engagement of this population in a meaningful process of change. ..Source.. by Jill S. Levenson, David S. Prescott, and Shan Jumper

Opinion: Sex Offense Recidivism Is Rare, Shouldn't Determine Policy

9-5-2013 National:

The crimes featured in a recent Sun Sentinel investigation were tragic. The newspaper found that in Florida, for every one sex offender who was committed to a sex predator treatment center, “nearly two others were released and then arrested on a sex charge.”

What the article does not highlight is that all of the sex offenders released from Florida prisons – 31,0000 of them -- were screened for civil commitment over 14 years.

Sexual Recidivism Rates

Of approximately 31,000 sex offenders who were assessed and released, there were 1,400 recidivists (new arrests for sexual crimes.)

That statistic represents a 5 percent recidivism rate over 14 years.

That means for every one re-arrested, about 20 did not go on to commit new sex crimes. In 95 percent of the cases, the screening team, evaluators, courts and program officials made the right call.

Of the sexual recidivists, there were 14 murders, accounting for about one percent of the recidivistic cases and less than 5 in 10,000 of all sex offenders released from prison.

While these egregious cases are heinous and unacceptable, they are rare events.

Sexual recidivism rates are lower than commonly believed, and are in fact lower than the overall recidivism rate in the state. In most cases the Sexually Violent Predator program did, in fact, do a good job of identifying the worst of the worst. The vast majority of sex offenders did not go on to commit any new sex crime, and most are strictly supervised in the community.

How To Prevent More Sex Offenses

A small but dangerous subgroup of sex offenders are at highest risk for violent re-offending. But passing laws based on anomalous cases is not good social policy.

We should take a close look at the 95 percent of offenders who did not re-offend, so we can identify and enhance the sex offender management and treatment strategies that are working well.

The legislature is now considering mandatory minimum sentencing in response to the concern about violent re-offending by convicted sex offenders. However, as seen by the recidivism statistics when viewed as part of the bigger picture, mandatory sentences might prove to be a very costly response. The sentencing enhancements will likely be unnecessary in the majority of cases.

Mandatory minimums also remove discretion from judges, encouraging plea bargains to non-sex crimes in some cases -- which means those offenders will not receive sex offender probation, monitoring, and treatment.

An alternative might be a risk assessment by a qualified practitioner prior to sentencing, which would offer valuable information to the judge and state attorney to aid in sentencing decisions.

Every dollar spent on hastily-passed sex offender policies is a dollar not spent on sexual assault victim services, child protection, and social programs designed to aid at-risk families.

The legislature is rightly concerned with another series of recent cases in which children died as a result of abuse or neglect. They should be equally concerned with the children who live through childhood trauma. We need to start thinking about early prevention and fund, not cut, social service programs for children and families. Today's perpetrators are often yesterday's victims. ..Source.. by Jill Levenson, Ph.D., LCSW, is an Associate Professor and Researcher at Lynn University. She is considered a national expert in sex crime policy analysis and has published over 80 articles about the treatment and management of sexual offenders.

Catch Me If You Can: : An Analysis of Fugitive Sex Offenders

2013:

Abstract:
The presumed dangers presented by sex offenders who have absconded from authorities have played a prominent role in public discourse surrounding state and federal sex offender management policy. The current study is the first to empirically investigate the characteristics of absconded sex offenders and explore how this group compares to other groups of sex offenders.

Utilizing data from the Florida sex offender registry (N = 23,557), this exploratory study compares the characteristics and risk factors of absconders with those of compliant and noncompliant (nonabsconding) registrants as well as with those with convictions for failure to register (FTR). Absconders, as a group, were less likely than compliant registrants to be listed as predators, and less likely than both compliants and noncompliants to have a minor victim or to be a repeat sex offender.

Absconders were also least likely to have a prior FTR conviction, but those with a previous FTR conviction were more likely to abscond from registration than probation. The findings fail to support the hypothesis that fugitive sex offenders are more sexually dangerous (especially to children), and suggest a multitude of explanations for absconding. ..Source.. by Jill Levenson, Alissa Ackerman, and Andrew Harris

A Multi-state Recidivism Study Using Static-99R and Static-2002 Risk Scores and Tier Guidelines from the Adam Walsh Act

November 2012:

Abstract:
This study seeks to examine important components of our nation’s sex offender tracking and monitoring systems, with a focus on risk assessment and sexual recidivism (measured by re-arrest). The principal aims of this study were fourfold: (1) to compare the nationally recommended Adam Walsh Act (AWA) classification tiers with actuarial risk assessment instruments in their respective abilities to identify high risk individuals and recidivists; (2) to evaluate the predictive accuracy of existing state risk assessment classification schemes; (3) to examine the distribution of risk assessment scores within and across tier categories as defined by the AWA; and (4) to examine the role of offender age in recidivism risk across the adult lifespan.

Data were collected from 1,789 adult sex offenders in four states (Minnesota, New Jersey, Florida and South Carolina) to inform these analyses. Variables including offender demographics and criminal history information, coded from state criminal justice records, were used to score actuarial risk assessment instruments and sex offender registry information. On average, we found that the recidivism rate was approximately 5% at five years and 10% at 10 years. AWA tier was unrelated to sexual recidivism, except in Florida, where it was inversely associated with recidivism. Actuarial measures and existing state tiering systems both showed better predictive validity than AWA tiers. Finally, offender age was found to have a significant protective effect for sexual reoffending, with older offenders showing a decreased risk for sexual recidivism.

The findings indicate that the current AWA classification scheme is likely to result in a system that is less effective in protecting the public than the classification systems currently implemented in the states studied. Policy makers should strongly consider substantial revisions of the AWA classification system to better incorporate evidence-based models of sex offender risk assessment and management. ..Source.. by Kristen M. Zgoba, PI, New Jersey Department of Corrections -and- Michael Miner, Co-PI, University of Minnesota Medical School -and- Raymond Knight, Co-Investigator Brandeis University -and- Elizabeth Letourneau, Co-Investigator, Johns Hopkins University -and- Jill Levenson, Co-Investigator, Lynn University -and- David Thornton, Co-Investigator, Sand Ridge Secure Treatment Center

Failure-to-Register Laws and Public Safety: An Examination of Risk Factors and Sex Offense Recidivism.

4-12-2012 National:

Abstract
The goals of this study were to describe the characteristics of a sample of sex offenders charged with failure to register (FTR) in New York State, compare the FTR and non-FTR groups on relevant risk factors, identify risk factors associated with failing to register, and investigate the relationship between registration noncompliance and both general and sexual rearrest.

FTR offenders were found to be younger, more likely to be a minority race, and have more extensive and varied prior criminal histories as well as a record of supervision violations. Results also indicated that FTR was more strongly correlated with nonsexual recidivism (r = .44) than sexual recidivism (r = .09).

FTR contributed to the likelihood of sexual recidivism for rapists of adult victims, but not for sex offenders with child victims, and occurred in combination with a history of prior sexual crimes and versatility in criminal offending. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).

..For the remainder of this research: by Levenson JS, Sandler JC, Freeman NJ.

Sex Offender Residency Restrictions Impede Safety Goals

2-2-2012 National:

JURIST Guest Columnist Jill Levenson, Associate Professor of Psychology at Lynn University, says that sex offender residency restrictions often do little to prevent repeat offenses because are based on stereotypical notions of recidivism among sex offenders...

Recently, the US Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit ruled that a policy banning registered sex offenders from entering Albuquerque's public libraries is unconstitutional. Over the past decade the availability of online sex offender registries has enabled widespread awareness of sexual offenders living in the community, increasing concerns for the safety of children and leading politicians to pass laws restricting where sex offenders can live, work and even be present. Residence restrictions in 30 states and countless municipalities typically prohibit individuals convicted of sex crimes from residing within 500 to 2500 feet of schools, parks, playgrounds, daycare centers, bus stops and other places where children congregate.

Few court challenges have been successful in overturning such restrictions. Research shows that politicians and citizens are overwhelmingly in favor of such laws, which are often based on stated (but empirically unsupported) assumptions that almost all sex offenders reoffend and that they are immune to therapeutic intervention. In fact, recidivism rates of known sex offenders are much lower than commonly believed, and properly designed treatment, though not equally effective for all offenders, can significantly reduce the risk of re-offending. Restrictions also reinforce the myth of "stranger danger," despite research from the Justice Department indicating that over 90 percent of child sexual abuse victims are well known to their perpetrators, who typically cultivate opportunities for molestation through familiar relationships with relatives and acquaintances.

Residence restriction laws are relatively new, but some research has questioned whether these laws "work" to prevent recidivism. For instance, sexual recidivists do not appear to live closer to schools or parks than non-recidivists, suggesting that residential proximity to such venues is not a contributing factor to re-offending. Furthermore, sex offenders rarely prey on young children in or near parks, libraries or schools and sexually motivated abductions of children are very rare events. Laws restricting where sex offenders live or work will do little to prevent the most common circumstances in which children are sexually abused, through positions of authority and familiarity.

In fact, residential restrictions may create more problems than they solve. Since the vast majority (80-95 percent) of residential properties in densely populated metropolitan areas are within 2500 feet of a school, park, or daycare center, housing options can be diminished to a degree where sex offenders become homeless or transient. This transience undermines the very purpose of sex offender registries (to track and monitor where sex offenders live) and creates other barriers to successful reintegration. Another unintended consequence of such laws is clustering, where sex offenders end up living in disproportionate numbers in the limited areas that are compliant with restrictions.

Some jurisdictions have instead opted for "child safety zones" or "loitering zones." Rather than restricting where sex offenders reside, such initiatives prohibit them from hanging around in places (without a legitimate reason or prior permission) where they can easily cultivate relationships with children and engage in grooming tactics. In some cases loitering laws are supplemented with GPS monitoring devices that alert officials when a sex offender enters a forbidden area without a legitimate reason. These types of laws, though also controversial and vulnerable to legal challenges, might be better equipped to manage the daily activities of sex offenders at risk for abusing children than housing laws which dictate primarily where sex offenders sleep.

Diminishing access to potential victims is an appropriate component of sex crime prevention, but should be tailored to the offender's risk, offense patterns and victim preferences. Broadly restrictive legislation is unlikely to be effective in preventing sexual assault and interferes with reintegration (housing stability, employment and social support) which may inadvertently increase risk. Treatment should be included as part of any comprehensive strategy for preventing recidivistic sexual violence. Professionals and policymakers alike are encouraged to consider a range of options available for building safer communities and to endorse those that are most likely to achieve their stated goals while minimizing collateral consequences for offenders reentering communities. ..Source.. by Jill Levenson who is an Associate Professor of Psychology at Lynn University in Boca Raton, Florida and an alumnus of the University of Pittsburgh. She has published over 80 articles investigating the impact and effectiveness of social policies and therapeutic interventions designed to prevent recidivistic sexual violence.

Suggested citation: Jill Levenson, Sex Offender Residency Restrictions Impede Safety Goals, JURIST - Hotline, Feb. 1, 2012, http://jurist.org/hotline/2012/02/jill-levenson-sexoffenders-residency.php.

SORNA's Approaching Deadlines by Dr. Levenson a Guest Blogger at SAJRT

7-21-2011 National:

Dr. Levenson was a Guest Blogger over at "Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment," and had the following to say about SORNA's approaching deadlines.

Here is a guest blog from Florida's Jill Levenson, a public policy researcher and expert. In this piece, Jill discusses a variety of issues associated with evidence-based risk management of sexual offenders--focusing specifically on the SORNA. Please note that the majority of Jill's references are in Sage Journals, which means that ATSA members can access them for free from the Members Only side of http://www.atsa.com/. RJW

With the SORNA deadline approaching next week, only eight states are in substantial compliance with the law. The Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA), which is Title 1 of the Adam Walsh Act (AWA), requires states to meet minimum standards in their sexual offender tracking and disclosure procedures.

Why is it that over 80% of states are not complying, especially when facing a 10% loss of federal crime funding each year? Since its inception, certain pieces of SORNA have been quite controversial and, in many cases, "deal-breakers" for states. Aside from the fiscal reality that SORNA will cost more for most states to implement than they would lose through penalties, parts of the law contradict evidence and best practices that some states have spent years refining.

Take, for example, the rigid offense-based tier system that classifies offenders by their statutes of conviction. There is a seemingly intuitive logic to the belief that statute titles, crime degrees, and descriptions accurately portray the offense in question. We all know, however, that in many cases statutory language does a poor job of characterizing the crime—and an even worse job of characterizing the criminal. In other words, SORNA tiers confuse the seriousness of the crime with the risk to reoffend. Although the SORNA guidelines cleverly avoid using the word risk, there is a clear implication, based on the associated longer registration durations and more frequent updates, that the Tier 3 offenders are more dangerous and therefore necessitate closer monitoring for longer periods. As well, "tier enhancements based on recidivism" can be made, allowing an offender with more than one conviction to be upgraded to a Tier 3 based on the repetitive nature of the criminal behavior—again suggesting to the public that higher tier assignments are associated with an increased likelihood of recidivism.

Unfortunately, in most instances, offense definitions are an inadequate means for evaluating risk or determining supervision needs. They overestimate risk for most offenders, and underestimate risk for those who plea-bargained to lesser offenses. Andrew Harris and colleagues (2010) found that applying SORNA criteria in Ohio and Oklahoma greatly skewed the distribution of risk into the highest tier compared to the states' prior classification schemes using risk assessment tools. Naomi Freeman and Jeffrey Sandler (2010) found that SORNA tiers were less effective in identifying sexual recidivists in New York than assessment tools utilizing risk factors statistically associated with recidivism. Many states have spent the past two decades developing and refining evidence-based risk management systems, and although SORNA does not technically require states to abandon the use of those tools, it does require registration and notification decisions to be based on the federal guidelines rather than the state's risk assessment.

And, speaking of longer registration durations (25 years to life), they contradict research indicating that sexual offenders become less likely to reoffend with increased time spent offense-free in the community. According to Static-99 guidelines, an offender's risk declines by half after 5 years, and by half again after 10 years. As well, reoffending declines with age. Right now, 20% of America's sexual offenders are over 56 years of age. Over time, with longer registration durations, we should anticipate an aging sexual offender population of which a greater proportion will pose a lower risk to public safety.

SMART Office staff have claimed that the purpose of SORNA was never to prevent recidivism, but to provide a monitoring tool for law enforcement and to increase public awareness. Indeed, the AWA legislative intent does not mention reduced reoffending as a goal. But, isn't that a little disingenuous? Why the need for enhanced law enforcement monitoring and increased public awareness if not for the hope of preventing future sex crimes and protecting potential victims from the trauma of sexual assault? Do Americans really want to spend tens of millions of dollars on sexual offender notification if it doesn't pay off in terms of protecting communities? Surveys of the American public have found that most citizens support SORN laws because, in fact, they believe them to be effective in reducing sexual recidivism. About a dozen empirical investigations (see summary in Levenson, 2009) have been conducted to date on the effectiveness of SORN laws to reduce recidivism. Most have not shown declines in sex crime rates generally or sexual recidivism specifically that can be attributed to SORN. Interestingly, the two studies that have noted significant effects on recidivism were conducted in Washington and Minnesota—both states with empirically derived risk assessment systems and concordant monitoring and management plans.

Or, consider the requirement that minors adjudicated delinquent in juvenile courts must be registered as sexual offenders. Though the SORNA guidelines conceded to states that public notification was discretionary, even registering juveniles with law enforcement contradicts a century of juvenile justice philosophy in the United States. The labeling of minors, and the subsequent potential obstacles to educational, occupational, and social opportunities, seems counter-intuitive to both juvenile advocates and victim advocates. This component of SORNA has been a noted barrier to implementation for many states.

We've seen the harrowing story of Jaycee Dugard in recent weeks, and all of us wondered how a registered sexual offender could get away with holding someone captive for 18 years. We've heard the scathing reports of parole agent incompetence, and we've used our 20/20 hindsight to shrewdly point out the missed clues. There is no doubt in anyone's mind that Garrido was high risk; he'd had two previous arrests, one resulting in a conviction for the abduction and rape of a woman whom he held hostage until she escaped.

But, perhaps, the real answer to the unfathomable question—How could this happen?? —is simply that Philip Garrido was a needle in a haystack. Philip Garrido is an example of how overzealous SORN laws might actually be counterproductive. As the registered sexual offender population nears three quarters of a million, fiscal and personnel resources are spread thin, law enforcement agents' capacity to target their monitoring toward more dangerous individuals is compromised, and the public's ability to distinguish truly high-risk predators is diluted. As Robin Wilson astutely pointed out in his recent San Francisco public radio interview, cases like Jaycee (and Adam Walsh, Jessica Lunsford, and Megan Kanka) are exceedingly rare, which is why they command so much attention—they shock us. They are statistically improbable events not representative of the vast majority of sexual assault cases and, thus, not the best cases on which to base public policy designed to address a rampant social problem.

Oh, and what about those 100,000 missing sexual offenders discussed repeatedly in AWA legislative hearings and in news reports? The ones who supposedly take advantage of discrepancies in laws to shop around for lax states where they can more easily neglect to register and avoid detection while seeking new child victims? My colleagues and I (Levenson & Harris, 2011) analyzed data downloaded directly from the online registries, along with surveys of registry managers, and we discovered that approximately 4% of the nation's RSOs have addresses that cannot be verified. We estimate the number of noncompliant sexual offenders to be between 25,000 and 30,000—but less than half of them are officially designated by states to have truly absconded. And, incidentally, research conducted in Minnesota, South Carolina, New York, and New Jersey all conclude that failure to register does not typically contribute to the likelihood for sexual recidivism.

Perhaps the apparent lack of state enthusiasm for SORNA will provide an impetus to re-open the dialogue about sexual offender management. SORNA in its current form sacrifices precision for over-inclusion, quality for quantity, efficiency for symbolism. By going back to the drawing board, with input from victim advocates, law enforcement, psychologists, criminal justice practitioners, and academic researchers, Congress has an opportunity to create model legislation that is evidence-based and more likely to achieve the goal of preventing repeat sexual violence.

100,000 Sex Offenders Missing . . . or Are They? Deconstruction of an Urban Legend

7-17-2011 National:

Abstract:
It is frequently reported by the media and public officials that 100,000 registered sex offenders (RSOs) in the United States are “missing.” This policy note first describes the origin of this figure, which was initially derived from a 2003 informal survey of state registries conducted by a grassroots advocacy organization. Then, we explore the definitional ambiguities that complicate the process of calculating the national number of fugitive sex offenders. Finally, we present emerging research efforts to develop reliable estimates of the number and proportion of RSOs officially recorded by states as absconded, whereabouts unknown, or noncompliant with registration requirements. While such data remain limited, we find little evidence to support that 100,000 sex offenders are “missing,” using even the most inclusive definitions. Implications for policy and practice are discussed. by Jill S. Levenson, Ph.D., Lynn University, Department of Psychology and Human Services, 3601 N. Military Trail, Boca Raton, FL 33431, 561-237-7925, jlevenson@lynn.edu, OR Andrew J. Harris, Ph.D., University of Massachusetts, Lowell, Department of Criminal Justice & Criminology, 870 Broadway Street, #225, Lowell, MA 01854, (978) 934-3978, Andrew_Harris@uml.edu.

Available from Criminal Justice Policy Review