We now have added "Informational Posts" which are tidbits of information that may come in handy at some point.
Showing posts with label Sex Offender Facts. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sex Offender Facts. Show all posts

Analyzing different types of sexual offenders

4-20-2015 National:

It’s known among researchers, sex offender treatment, or any sort of treatment or intervention for criminal behaviour, is most effective when it targets criminogenic needs — problems related to crime.

Chantal Hermann said if Internet offenders — specifically child pornography offenders — are different from other child sexual offenders, then their unique needs have to be taken into consideration to be targeted in treatment.

Hermann, a doctoral student in psychology at Carleton University in Ottawa, spoke about child pornography offenders, during a Cyber-Crime Speaker Series event at Grenfell Campus, Memorial University of Newfoundland on Saturday.

Before presenting to the dozen people who attended, Hermann said her talk would centre on whether or not child pornography offenders are a different type of sex offender relative to the more typical sexual offender, those whose crimes involve some form of contacts.

Alaska Department of Corrections: Division of Administrative Services 2010 Offender Profile

8-30-2011 Alaska:

Abstract:
The Mission of the Department of Corrections is to enhance the safety of our communities while providing secure confinement, reformative programs, and a process of supervised community reintegration.

I am pleased to make this profile available on line. This report is based on our best information and serves as a snapshot of a typical day. Data comes from our Alaska Corrections Offender Management System (ACOMS), and is meant to give a general summary of Alaska’s offender population. ACOMS is our new database and went live in May of 2010. It is our expectation that this new system will provide even better data than before.

The 2010 Offender Profile – which encompasses many hours of research and calculation on the part of department staff – serves as a valuable tool for our department in the successful accomplishment of our mission. ..Source.. by Joe Schmidt, Commissioner

West Virginia: Sex Offender Study

November 2001:

Executive Summary:
Over the next ten years, an estimated 147 sex offenders will be released from West Virginia’s state prisons each year, over 1 inmate every 3 days. Although paroled sexual offenders can receive psychological treatment and be monitored and assisted by parole officers, the percent of sex offenders released on parole has been lower than any other offender group.1 As a result of increased maximum sentences for incest and sexual assault that took effect July 1, 1991, more sex offenders are expected to be paroled rather than discharged. Previously, the sentences were 5-10 years for incest, 15-25 for 1st degree sexual assault, and 10-20 for 2nd degree sexual assault.2 Under these sentences, inmates could be eligible for discharge before parole eligibility.3 Given that released sex offenders lose little of their good time4, sex offenders sentenced before these changes occurred are likely to discharge their sentence, rather than be released on parole. One sex offense, when a parent, guardian, or custodian allows sexual abuse to be inflicted upon a child who is less than 16 years of age (§61-8D-5a), retains a 10-20 year sentence. Those sentenced for this crime could be eligible for discharge prior to parole eligibility.

Nearly 40% of sex offenders currently on probation, on parole, or in prison admitted that they had previously committed a felony sex offense as an adult and reported that they had no relationship to the criminal justice system at the time of their current sex offense. This suggests that more can be done to prevent re-offending by known felony sex offenders. Additional research that tracks a cohort of released sex offenders should be conducted to determine the recidivism rate of released sex offenders.

This report summarizes sex offenses reported to law enforcement, sex offenders in criminal justice custody or supervision, admissions to and releases from correctional facilities, registered sex offenders, and sex offender treatment providers.


Sex Offenses Reported to Law Enforcement
Over 1,000 sex offenses were reported to law enforcement in 2000; only 12 of these involved a firearm. The majority of offenses were forcible fondling or forcible rape. Most occurred at a residence or home. The majority of offenders were adult males and the majority of victims were juvenile females related to or otherwise known to the offender. More sex offenders were reported to law enforcement in suburban counties rather than in rural counties. Because more people live in rural rather than suburban counties, this was not expected.

Sex Offenders in Criminal Justice Custody or Supervision
In late 2000, 920 sex offenders were housed in correctional facilities, supervised by parole services, or supervised by county probation. The majority of these offenders were housed in the Division of Corrections’ facilities, primarily in Mt. Olive, the state’s maximum security facility for male offenders.

Admissions to and Releases from Corrections
The correctional population forecast estimates that 152 sex offenders will be admitted and 147 will be released on average per year between 2000 and 2010. The number of confined sex offenders is expected to average 620 each December between 2000 and 2010.

Discharge, without parole, was the most common method of releasing sex offenders in 1999 at a rate of 54.8% of released sex offenders. This is expected to decrease to 30.6% of released sex offenders during the next ten years. During this time period, 60% of sex offenders are expected to be released by parole.

Registered Sex Offenders
In 2001, there were 1,468 registered sex offenders in West Virginia, one-quarter of whom were convicted in another state. Since first registering, 60% of the registrants reported only one address. More registered sex offenders were convicted in and currently reside in rural counties rather than in suburban counties. Although more people live in rural rather than suburban counties, the percent of sex offenders convicted in and currently residing in rural counties was even greater than expected.

Sex Offender Treatment Providers
A total of 66 counselors, psychologists, and psychiatrists provide treatment to sex offenders in West Virginia. Although 58.2% of the psychologists and counselors reported that their treatment program was required by the criminal justice system and 34.6% provide their services in a criminal justice facility, only 29.8% were named by parole and probation offices as possible treatment providers. This suggests that the use of available treatment providers has been limited.

Treatment methods provided by survey respondents include counseling, cognitive behavioral therapy, psychotherapy, medication management, medical castration, arousal management, anger management, empathy induction, education, and self-esteem improvement. Some of these providers use the Abel Assessment for sexual interest and other risk assessments to assist with treatment or to assist the courts.

Of the 24 members of the West Virginia Polygraph Association, 15 work for law enforcement agencies and 10 attended a recent training on post-conviction sex offender testing. Membership is not required for practicing polygraph examiners and only those who administer tests to employees or prospective employees are required to be licensed with the Commissioner of Labor.

For the remainder of this paper: by Division of Criminal Justice Services, Criminal Justice Statistical Analysis Center

Putting the Brakes on the Preventive State: Challenging Residency Restrictions on Child Sex Offenders in Illinois under the Ex Post Facto Clause

2011 Illinois:

State laws restricting where convicted sex offenders can legally reside first came into common use in the mid-1990s.2 Since then, a number of states and municipalities, including Illinois, have implemented restrictions prohibiting sex offenders3 from living within certain distances from schools, parks, and other areas where children gather.4 These prohibited distances range from 500 to 2000 feet,5 and often encircle multiple entities within a community. As a result, sex offenders are often severely limited as to where they can legally reside. These laws have forced some offenders to remain in prison6 or live in makeshift tent cities because there is nowhere else for them to live.7 In Georgia, for example, state probation officials advised sex offenders to live in a muddy camp on the outskirts of the county until they could locate a legally permissible home.8 In Florida, some sex offenders were forced to live under a remote bridge because they could not find housing that complied with the county‘s residency law.9 In Illinois, 1000 sex offenders are currently eligible for parole but the state refuses to release them from prison because they cannot secure suitable housing.10 These are but some consequences of the increasingly strict regulatory scheme confronting sex offenders in the United States today.

This Comment explores whether a viable challenge to residency restrictions on child sex offenders in Illinois exists under the ex post facto clauses of the federal and state constitutions. It also recounts the history of sex offender regulation in Illinois and explores the social and political environment that fostered the emergence of residency restrictions in the state. Part I provides a brief overview of the history and purpose of the ex post facto clause. It also highlights the recent resurgence of preventive lawmaking; that is, laws that work to prevent crime rather than detect and investigate it, and laws that impose direct restraints on the liberty of those considered particularly dangerous by the state. Part II briefly recounts the legislative history of sex offender regulation in Illinois, and provides an overview of the political and social realities that shaped the legislative debate. Part III uses recent state court decisions in Illinois, Indiana, and Kentucky to evaluate the constitutionality of residency restrictions on child sex offenders in Illinois, ultimately arguing that such restrictions violate the ex post facto clauses of the federal and state constitutions. Finally, this Comment concludes by considering the need for judicial intervention given the resurgence of the preventive state.

For the remainder of this paper: by Michelle Olson

Denying parole at first eligibility: How much public safety does it actually buy?

August 2009:

A study of prisoner release and recidivism in Michigan

Executive Summary

Widely-held assumptions about incarceration and parole are contradicted by Michigan data and national research.

Assumption: Since Michigan’s overall rate of sending convicted felons to prison is below thenational average, Michigan does not incarcerate enough people.

Fact: Michigan’s overall prison commitment rate is below the national average because the state imprisons fewer drug and other nonassaultive offenders. Its commitment rate for assaultive and sex offenders is very high and, because it keeps those offenders incarcerated for a long time, Michigan’s average length of stay in prison is much higher than the national average.

Assumption: Longer prison sentences keep the public safer.

Fact: Increased length of stay does not reduce recidivism and may actually increase it.

Assumption: Half of all released prisoners commit new crimes and return to prison.

Fact: The majority of former prisoners do not return within four years for any reason, even without the support services now provided through reentry programming. Of those released for the first time from 1986-99, whether paroled or discharged on the maximum, 63% did not return at all; fewer than 18% were returned with new sentences for new crimes.

Assumption: Assaultive and sex offenders present a high risk to public safety.

Fact: People who commit assaultive or sex offenses are much less likely to reoffend than those who commit financially-motivated crimes. Homicide and sex offenders rarely commit new crimes against persons. Characterizing these offenders as “high risk” confuses the harm from their past crimes with the likelihood they will commit new ones.

Assumption: Parole is a form of “early release” that was unintended and unanticipated by the sentencing court.

Fact: In Michigan, judges set the minimum sentence according to legislative guidelines that determine how much punishment is appropriate for the offense and the offender. The minimum is often agreed to by the prosecutor during plea negotiations. While the parole board can deny release until the prisoner has served the maximum sentence, it cannot grant release until the person has served the minimum. Parole at the first eligibility date indicates the board has found no reason, based on current information, to extend incarceration beyond what was imposed by the sentencing court.

Assumption: Decisions to deny parole are based on objective assessments of the risk of reoffending.

Fact: Parole has routinely been denied based on the nature of the offense to people who have served their judicially imposed minimum punishment and posed a low risk of reoffending.

Assumption: People who are repeatedly denied parole have terrible institutional records.

Fact: While poor behavior in prison reduces the likelihood of parole for everyone, assaultive and sex offenders are less able to earn release through good conduct. Many of them “max out” despite having no serious history of institutional misconduct.

Assumption: If parole decisions were made “correctly” and more prisoners were required to serve their maximum sentences, all crime by parolees would be prevented.

Fact: The total prevention of new crimes by parolees would require the ongoing incarceration of tens of thousands of people who would not, in fact, commit a new offense if released. The fiscal cost would be astronomical and, because most crimes are not committed by parolees, the impact on overall crime rates would be minimal.

Assumption: Denying parole for an extra year or two keeps the public substantially safer.

Fact: If, from 1986-99, everyone denied parole for up to two years had been released when first eligible, 2,300 fewer beds per year would have been needed but returns with new sentences would have increased only 1.7%.

Purpose of the Research

The Citizens Alliance on Prisons and Public Spending examined 76,721 cases of Michigan prisoners sentenced to indeterminate terms after 1981 and released for the first time from 1986 through 1999. The primary goal was to answer the following questions:

Does continuing to incarcerate people who have served their minimum sentences
actually improve public safety and, if so, to what extent and at what cost?

Specifically, does denying parole at the minimum only to release a person a year or two thereafter have a substantial impact on re-offense rates?

The analysis also shed light on a number of other important questions regarding the nature and cost-effectiveness of parole decision making. In particular, because offense groups were analyzed separately, the impact of the nature of the crime on both release decisions and actual recidivism could be identified.

For the remainder of this research: by Citizens Alliance on Prisons and Public Spending (CAPPS)


Reviewing this was eye opening and two charts which caught my attention, they follow:




Fact Sheet: What You Need to Know About Sex Offenders

July 2009:

From: Center for Sex Offender Management (CSOM)


This fact sheet highlights key issues related to sex offenses and the management of sex offenders who are under the control of the justice system. It is prepared for members of the public who want to know more about sexual assault, sex offenders, and the role that citizens can play in keeping their communities safe.


What Is Sexual Abuse?

Sexual abuse is[1]:
  • unwanted sexual contact between two or more adults or two or more minors;
  • any sexual contact between an adult and a minor;
  • any unwanted sexual contact initiated by a youth toward an adult; or
  • sexual contact between two minors with a significant age difference between them.
Sex crimes can involve physical contact (e.g., unwanted sexual touching) or no physical contact (e.g., Internet crimes).

How Common Are Sex Crimes?

Sex crimes are unfortunately fairly common in the United States. It is estimated that one in every five girls and one in every seven boys are sexually abused by the time they reach adulthood[2]. One in six adult women and one in 33 adult men experience an attempted or completed sexual assault[3].

How Many Arrests Occur for Sex Offenses?

Sex offenses represent under 1% of all arrests[4]. In 2004, the last year for which official report data were available, there were 26,066 arrests for forcible rape and 90,913 arrests for other sex offenses in the United States[5]. Adults account for about 80% of arrests; juveniles for 20%[6]. Males account for approximately 95% of arrests[7].

Are All Sex Crimes Reported?

Many victims do not report sexual abuse to authorities because they[8]:
  • are afraid that their abuser will harm them again;
  • do not want to make a very private matter public;
  • are worried that they will be blamed for what happened or that they will not be believed;
  • feel ashamed;
  • feel guilty; and/or
  • are embarrassed.
This means that there are both victims and offenders in the community who have not come to the attention of the authorities. Victims may continue to be in situations that put them at risk and/or are not getting the services they need, while offenders who can potentially be prevented from reoffending are not receiving the support they need to stop.

Who Are the Victims?

Anyone can be a victim of sexual assault, but women and girls are especially at risk. Females are more than six times as likely as males to be victims of sexual assault[9]. Children are particularly vulnerable. Approximately 67% of all victims of reported sexual assaults are under the age of 18, and more than half of these victims are under the age of 12[10]. Approximately one in four girls and one in seven boys are sexually assaulted before the age of 18[11].

Who Are Offenders Likely to Target?

Most sexual offenses are committed by someone the victim knows — either a family member, friend, intimate partner, or acquaintance[12]. About 27% of offenders are strangers[13].

Who Are Sex Offenders?

There is no such thing as a “typical” sex offender[14]. Sex offenders can:
  • be male or female;
  • be young or old;
  • have different levels of education;
  • be married or single;
  • have strong ties to their families and communities, or have weak ties; and/or
  • have no record of prior criminal involvement or have a record either for sexual or non-sexual offenses.
The reasons why they offend, the kinds of interventions required to help them stop offending, and the risks they pose also vary.

Does Being Sexually Abused Cause Sex Offending?

Not necessarily – some people who commit sex offenses have been victims of sexual abuse themselves, but many have not. Being sexually abused does not cause people to become sex offenders. In fact, most people who have been sexually abused do not go on to sexually abuse others.

What Happens to Convicted Sex Offenders?

The courts impose different sentences depending on the offender, the facts of the case, and the state’s laws. Some offenders are sentenced to prison or jail, while others are sentenced directly to community supervision (e.g., probation). For those sentenced to prison or jail, some are released on parole or probation supervision while others are released with no supervision. Approximately 150,000 adult sex offenders are currently in state and federal prisons throughout the United States. Between 10,000 and 20,000 are released to the community each year[15].

Why Do People Commit Sex Crimes?

No single factor or combination of factors can fully explain why someone offends sexually, though some factors may combine to increase people’s tendency to offend.

These factors are:
  • physiological/biological (e.g., imbalanced hormones, being sexually attracted to children);
  • sociocultural (e.g., being exposed to broader social messages supportive of aggression);
  • developmental/environmental (e.g., having witnessed domestic violence); and
  • situational/circumstantial (e.g., having easy access to victims, extreme levels of stress).
How Often Do Sex Offenders Reoffend?

About 12 to 24% of sex offenders will reoffend[16]. When sex offenders do commit another crime, it is more often not sexual or violent[17]. (The figures given may be low because sex offenses are often not reported.)

Are Some Offenders More Likely to Reoffend than Others?

Some offenders are more likely to reoffend than others. Professionals use science-based assessments to estimate the likelihood that someone may reoffend, though these assessments are not guarantees.

What Efforts Are Made to Improve Public Safety When Offenders Are in the Community?

The majority of convicted sex offenders reside in our communities. With proper treatment and supervision, many can live productive and stable lives. Ideally, all sex offenders who go to prison, jail, or detention should have a period of community supervision (probation or parole) following their release to monitor offenders’ behavior. If offenders are at risk for reoffending or do not comply with their release conditions, they may be returned to confinement.

The following strategies are being used in managing sex offenders who are under community supervision.

Providing Specialized Supervision

Convicted sex offenders may be sentenced to probation or parole as a result of a sexual offense, or they may be placed on probation or parole supervision after they have been in prison, jail, or detention. This means that for a period of time (which varies by jurisdiction), offenders report to a supervising officer and must follow specific rules and conditions that limit their behavior. These “conditions of supervision” depend on an offender’s risk level and risk factors. They often include (but are not limited to):
  • no contact with victims;
  • no or limited contact with minors;
  • attending sex offender-specific treatment;
  • limited or no Internet access;
  • no use of alcohol or drugs;
  • restrictions on where they can live and work;
  • restricted movement within the community and within and across state lines; and
  • reporting to probation/parole officers as required.
Using Surveillance

In some instances, electronic technologies (such as electronic monitoring or GPS devices) help monitor sex offenders while under supervision. Because these technologies are quite expensive and some studies suggest they are most effective with higher-risk offenders[18], these surveillance techniques may be best used with only the highest-risk or violent sex offenders.

Providing Specialized Treatment

Sex offender treatment can reduce the risk of reoffending[19]. The most effective type of treatment approach involves helping offenders change unhealthy thinking patterns, understand factors that are linked to their offending, and develop effective coping skills. For certain offenders, medications, such as those that reduce testosterone, can also be helpful when they are combined with sex offender-specific treatment[20]. Treatment may be more effective when it is combined with specialized supervision.

Helping Offenders Deal with Challenges Following Release from Prison

When reentering the community, sex offenders may face many challenges that can cause their lives to be unstable, including[21]:
  • negative public feelings, including being ostracized or the victims of hostile acts;
  • restrictions on where they can live; and
  • difficulties finding a job.
This instability can put them at greater risk to reoffend[22]; therefore, working with offenders to deal with these challenges is crucial to their ability to live crime-free lives.

Ensuring Offenders Have Suitable Housing

One of the most serious problems that sex offenders face is finding an appropriate place to live. Zoning or residency restrictions and landlords’ or homeowners’ efforts to keep offenders from moving into their buildings or neighborhoods limit their options. These “safety zones” are found mostly in cities and suburbs — the same places where offenders are most likely to have access to the things they need to be successful in the community, such as jobs, social services, mental health treatment, and transportation.

Understanding Residency Restrictions

Sex offenders who are under community supervision must have their residence approved by their supervising officers to ensure that it is suitable, while sex offenders who are not under community supervision do not have the same restrictions, unless they live in an area with residency restrictions.

Most states have laws that prohibit sex offenders — whether on community supervision or not and whether their crimes involve children or not — from living within 1,000 to 2,000 feet (500 feet in some states) of places where children gather, such as schools and childcare facilities, parks, playgrounds, churches, gyms, swimming pools, libraries, and school bus stops. These zones are often referred to as “child safety zones.” Some states and jurisdictions also limit or forbid sex offenders from passing through child safety zones, which means they also cannot travel on certain roads or bus routes.

No research has shown that these restrictions lead to a decrease in sexual reoffending. On the other hand, professionals are concerned that laws that banish or restrict housing options for offenders may eliminate the stability and support that offenders need to be successful in the community[23].

Reunifying and/or Living with Children

If offenders who are under community supervision plan to live in the same home as past or potential victims, supervision agencies should first work with other professionals (such as the victim’s/family’s therapist) on a “reunification” process. Before beginning this process, professionals must determine if the benefits of reuniting outweigh the possible risks to past or potential victims.

Helping Offenders Find a Suitable Job

It is especially important for sex offenders to find appropriate jobs because offenders without stable employment are at a higher risk of reoffending[24]. Finding suitable employment is a challenge for all offenders who are reentering the community, but it can be particularly difficult for sex offenders. Their options can be extremely limited because of concerns about access to potential victims, employers’ reluctance to hire sex offenders, licensing restrictions (e.g., for doctors/nurses, teachers, daycare workers, and security guards), and zoning and residency restrictions that limit the geographic area where offenders can work. Community supervision staff typically review and approve employment to make sure that it is suitable. In many instances, they stay in contact with employers or use other means to ensure that offenders are maintaining suitable employment.

What Is the Purpose of Sex Offender Registration?

Sex offender registration is designed to help law enforcement investigate new sex crimes. Law enforcement agencies keep identifying information about convicted sex offenders, such as their names, addresses, photographs, and crimes for which they were convicted. The length of time an offender is required to register varies by jurisdiction (e.g., certain offenders may have to register for ten years, others may have to register for life), and so does the frequency with which the offender must update and verify the information. Recent federal legislation created a national sex offender registry that is intended to assure that all states collect and maintain the same information on convicted sex offenders and provides a single Web site where citizens can find information about registered sex offenders.

What Is Community Notification?

Community notification provides community members access to information about convicted sex offenders. In some cases, community members have to look for the information on their own, for example, on their state registry Web site. In other cases, law enforcement or others inform community members that a sex offender is moving into the area. They may:
  • share information in community meetings;
  • post fliers in neighborhoods;
  • place notices in local newspapers; and/or
  • inform residents by going door to door.
How communities are notified and who in the community is notified often depend on the level of risk that an offender presents.

What Should I Know About Juvenile Sex Offenders?

Juveniles who commit sex offenses are not just younger versions of adult sex offenders. They differ in fundamental ways, including how likely they are to reoffend. These differences affect how law enforcement and other professionals manage juveniles to reduce their rate of reoffense.

How Many Juveniles Are Arrested for Sex Offenses?

Juveniles under the age of 18 make up just under 20% of those arrested for sex offenses[25]. Each year, there are approximately 2,200 arrests of juveniles for forcible rape and an estimated 9,200 arrests of juveniles for other types of sex offenses[26]. More than 90% of the juveniles who are arrested are male[27]. Victims are often reluctant to come forward, so the actual number of juveniles committing sexual assault may be higher.

What Is a “Typical” Juvenile Sex Offender?

Just as there is no “typical” adult sex offender, there is no “typical” youth who commits a sex crime. Juvenile offenders can:
  • be male or female;
  • be from any race or ethnic background;
  • be wealthy or poor;
  • come from a supportive family or from a family where there has been abuse;
  • have mental health or substance abuse issues, or have no mental health or substance abuse issues;
  • do well in school or have learning disabilities and experience challenges in school; and/or
  • have no history of any type of offense and pose little risk for reoffense, or can have a history of delinquent and/or sexual abuse behavior and require careful management.
Is There a Connection between Exposure to Violence and Sex Offending?

Exposure to physical or sexual violence in the home or community, to particularly aggressive male role models, and to pornography (especially material that is very graphic and violent) can be associated with sexually abusive behaviors among youth[28].

How Often Do Juvenile Sex Offenders Reoffend?

Juvenile sex offenders appear to respond better to treatment and reoffend less frequently than adult sex offenders. Sexual reoffense rates for youth over several years are estimated at approximately 10%[29]. In addition, if juvenile sex offenders reoffend, they are far more likely to engage in other types of delinquent behavior than to commit new sex crimes[30].

Can Juvenile Sex Offenders be Managed in the Community?

In some cases, yes. Placing juvenile sex offenders in custody does not necessarily reduce offending over time. In fact, it can actually increase the likelihood of reoffense as youth who live with other delinquent or troubled juveniles may teach one another how to be even more serious young criminals [31]. Many juvenile sex offenders can be safely managed in the community with specialized supervision and treatment[32].

Is Treatment Important for Juvenile Sex Offenders?

Many juveniles who come to the attention of law enforcement for committing sex offenses do not commit more crimes, even if they do not receive treatment[33]. However, juvenile sex offenders who do receive treatment have lower rates of reoffense for both sexual and non-sexual crimes[34].

Why Is Community Supervision Important for Juvenile Sex Offenders?

Community supervision (probation or parole supervision) can help ensure that youth behave appropriately in the community, and participate in treatment. Supervision also allows trained officers or case managers to provide support to (and work closely with) parents, school personnel, and others who are responsible for juvenile offenders.

What Other Strategies Are Being Used to Manage Juvenile Sex Offenders?

Many states have laws regarding registration and community notification that apply to juveniles. The Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act, passed by the United States Congress in 2006, requires that selected (but not all) juvenile sex offenders register periodically with law enforcement and that some data about these youth be posted on the Internet. Like with adult sex offenders, there has been very limited research to date on whether juvenile registration and notification can help reduce reoffending and enhance public safety.

For Additional Information and Resources

CSOM has developed a variety of publications that address in greater depth the range of issues identified in this fact sheet. These documents — along with a number of other tools that have been developed by professionals in the field to aid communities in their efforts to protect themselves and their families and to become a part of the solution to reduce victimization through the effective management of sex offenders — can be found at www.csom.org.

Please contact us with specific questions at askcsom@cepp.com or:

Madeline Carter
Director, Center for Sex Offender Management
8403 Colesville Road, Suite 720
Silver Spring, MD 20910
Phone: 301-589-9383
Fax: 301-589-3505
Email: cartermm@cepp.com


Acknowledgements

This fact sheet was developed by Leilah Gilligan of the Center for Sex Offender Management (CSOM) and edited by Madeline Carter and Dr. Kurt Bumby of CSOM and Debbie Smith of First Folio Resource Group, Inc. CSOM would like to express its gratitude to Suzanne Brown-McBride and Patty Wetterling for their thoughtful insights and review of this document.

Endnotes
  1. Center for Sex Offender Management (CSOM) (2006). i. The role of the victim and victim advocate in managing sex offenders. Silver Spring, MD: Author.
  2. Finkelhor, D. (1994). Current information on the scope and nature of child sexual abuse. ii. Child Abuse and Neglect, 4, 31–53.
  3. Tjaden, P. & Thoennes, N. (2006). Extent, nature, and consequences of rape victimization: iii. Findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey, special report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, National Institute of Justice, & the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
  4. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (2005). iv. Crime in the United States, 2004: Uniform crime reports. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation.
  5. Ibid.
  6. Ibid.
  7. Ibid.
  8. Catalano, S. (2005). viii. National Crime Victimization Survey: Criminal victimization, 2004. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics.

    Kilpatrick, D. G., Edmunds, C. N., & Seymour, A. K. (1992). Rape in America: A report to the nation. Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.

    Tjaden & Thoennes (2006).
  9. Snyder, H.N., (2000). ix. Sexual assault of young children as reported to law enforcement: Victim, incident, and offender characteristics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics
  10. Ibid.
  11. Finkelhor (1994).
  12. Catalano (2005)..

    Kilpatrick, Edmunds, & Seymour (1992).

    Snyder, H. N. & Sickmund, M. (2006). Juvenile offenders and victims: 2006 national report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency.

    Tjaden & Thoennes (2006).
  13. Catalano (2005).
  14. Becker, J. & Murphy, W. (1998). What we know and don’t know about assessing and treating sex xiv. offenders. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 4, 116–137.

    Hunter, J. A. (2006). Understanding diversity in juvenile sexual offenders: Implications for assessment, treatment, and legal management. In R. E. Longo & D. S. Prescott (Eds.), Current perspectives: Working with sexually aggressive youth and youth with sexual behavior problems (pp. 63-77). Holyoke, MA: NEARI Press.

    Marshall, W. L. (1996). The sexual offender: Monster, victim, or everyman? Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 8, 317–335.
  15. Center for Sex Offender Management (CSOM) (2007). xv. Managing the challenges of sex offender reentry. Silver Spring, MD: Author.
  16. Hanson, R. K. & Morton-Bourgon, K. E. (2005). The characteristics of persistent sexual offenders: A xvi. meta-analysis of recidivism studies. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73, 1154-1163.
  17. Drake, E. & Barnoski, R. (2006). xvii. Sex offenders in Washington State: Key findings and trends. Olympia, WA: Washington State Institute for Public Policy.
  18. Padgett, K., Bales, W., & Blomberg, T. (2006). Under Surveillance: An Empirical Test of the xviii. Effectiveness and Consequences of Electronic Monitoring. Crime and Public Policy, 5(1), 201-232.
  19. Aos, S., Miller, M., & Drake, E. (2006). xix. Evidence based adult corrections programs: What works and what does not. Olympia, WA: Washington State Institute for Public Policy.

    Gallagher, C. A., Wilson, D. B., Hirschfield, P., Coggeshall, M. B. & MacKenzie, D. L. (1999). A quantitative review of the effects of sex offender treatment on sexual reoffending. Corrections Management Quarterly, 3, 19-29.

    Hanson, R. K., Gordon, A., Harris, A. J. R., Marques, J. K., Murphy, W., Quinsey, V. L., & Seto, M. C. (2002). First report of the collaborative outcome data project on the effectiveness of psychological treatment for sex offenders. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 14, 169-194.

    Lösel, F. & Schmucker, M. (2005). The effectiveness of treatment for sexual offenders: A comprehensive meta-analysis. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 1, 117-146.

    Reitzel, L. R. & Carbonell, J. L. (2006). The effectiveness of sex offender treatment for juveniles as measured by recidivism: A meta-analysis. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 18, 401-421.
  20. Berlin, F. S. (2000). The etiology and treatment of sexual offending. In D. H. Fishbein (Ed.), xx. The science, treatment, and prevention of antisocial behaviors: Application to the criminal justice system (pp. 21.1–21.15). Kingston, NJ: Civic Research Institute.

    Grubin, D. (2000). Complementing relapse prevention with medical intervention. In D. R. Laws, S. M. Hudson, & T. Ward (Eds.), Remaking relapse prevention with sex offenders: A sourcebook (pp. 201–212). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

    Kafka, M. P. (2001). The role of medications in the treatment of paraphilia–related disorders. Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 16, 105–112.
  21. Carter, M., Bumby, K., & Talbot, T. (2004). Promoting offender accountability and community safety xxi. through the Comprehensive Approach to Sex Offender Management. Seton Hall Law Review, 34, 1273-1297.

    Levenson, J. S. & Cotter, L. P. (2005a). The effect of Megan’s Law on sex offender reintegration. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 21, 49-66.

    Levenson, J. S. & Cotter, L. P. (2005b). The impact of sex offender residence restrictions: 1,000 feet from danger or one step from absurd? International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 49, 168-178.

    Tewksbury, R. (2005). Collateral consequences of sex offender registration. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 21, 82-90.
  22. Hanson, R. K., Harris, A., Scott, T., & Helmus, L. (2007). xxii. Assessing the risk of sexual offenders on community supervision: The Dynamic Supervision Project, 2007-05. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Canada. Hanson & Morton-Bourgon (2005).
  23. Levenson & Cotter (2005a).
  24. Levenson & Cotter (2005b).
  25. Hanson & Morton-Bourgon (2005).
  26. FBI (2005).
  27. Ibid.
  28. Snyder & Sickmund (2006).
  29. Hunter, J. A., Figueredo, A. J., Malamuth, N. M., & Becker, J. V. (2003). Juvenile sex offenders: xxviii. Toward the development of a typology. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 15, 27-48.

    Hunter, J. A., Gilbertson, S. A., Vedros, D., & Morton, M. (2004). Strengthening community based programming for juvenile sex offenders: Key concepts and paradigm shifts. Child Maltreatment, 9, 177-189.

    Knight, R. A. & Sims-Knight, J. E. (2004). Testing an etiological model for male juvenile sexual offending against females. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 13, 33-55.
  30. Letourneau, E. J. & Miner, M. H. (2005). Juvenile sex offenders: A case against the legal and clinical status quo. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 17, 293-312. Reitzel & Carbonell (2006).
  31. Ibid.
  32. Dodge, K. A., Dishion, T. J., & Lansford, J. E. (2006). xxxi. Interventions and policies that aggregate deviant youth, and strategies to optimize outcomes. New York, NY: Guilford.
  33. Hunter, Gilbertson, Vedros, & Morton (2004).
  34. Caldwell, M. F. (2002). What we do not know about juvenile sexual reoffense risk. xxxiii. Child Maltreatment, 7, 291–302.

    Letourneau & Miner (2005).

    Nisbet, I. A., Wilson, P. H., & Smallbone, S. W. (2004). A prospective longitudinal study of sexual recidivism among adolescent sex offenders. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 16, 224-234.
  35. Borduin, C. M., & Schaeffer, C. M. (2002). Multisystemic treatment of juvenile sex offenders: A xxxiv. progress report. Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality, 13, 25–42.

    Chaffin, M. (2006). Can we develop evidence–based practice with adolescent sex offenders? In R. E. Longo & D. S. Prescott (Eds.), Current perspectives: Working with sexually aggressive youth and youth with sexual behavior problems (pp. 661–681). Holyoke, MA: NEARI Press.

    Fanniff, A. & Becker, J. V. (2006). Developmental considerations in working with juvenile sexual offenders. In R. E. Longo & D. S. Prescott (Eds.), Current perspectives: Working with sexually aggressive youth and youth with sexual behavior problems (pp. 119-141). Holyoke, MA: NEARI Press.

    Letourneau & Miner (2005).

    Marshall, W. L., & Fernandez, Y. M. (2004). Treatment outcome with juvenile sexual offenders. In G. O’Reilly, W. L. Marshall, A. Carr, & R. C. Beckett (Eds.), The handbook of clinical intervention with young people who sexually abuse (pp. 442-452). New York: Brunner-Routledge.

    Reitzel & Carbonell (2006).

    Walker, D. F., McGovern, S. K., Poey, E. L., & Otis, K. E. (2004). Treatment effectiveness for male adolescent sexual offenders: A meta–analysis and review. In R. Geffner, K. Crumpton Franey, T. Geffner Arnold, & R. Falconer (Eds.), Identifying and treating youth who sexually offend: Current approaches, techniques, and research (pp. 281–293). Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press.

    Worling, J. R. & Curwen, T. (2001). The ERASOR: Estimate of risk of adolescent sexual offense recidivism. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: SAFE-T Program.
..Source.. by Corrections.com