We now have added "Informational Posts" which are tidbits of information that may come in handy at some point.
Showing posts with label 2000. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 2000. Show all posts

National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART) Reports

Do you know the difference between the various NISMART reports? Those produced under NISMART-1 and those produced under NISMART-2. Many folks do not know the differences. What follows is a primer to explain the differences and should be read so that there is no confusion when citing reports and statistics. All reports are below each separated by a line of "*****."


All together the reports below are: PRIMER, HIGHLIGHTS, OVERVIEW, FAMILY ABDUCTIONS, NONFAMILY ABDUCTIONS then RUNAWAYS/THROWAWAYS each represents a report of NISMART-2

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PRIMER: Second Comprehensive Study of Missing Children
April 2000

The Missing Children’s Assistance Act (Title IV of the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974, as amended) requires the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) to periodically conduct studies of the scope of the problem of missing children in the United States. The purpose of the studies is to determine, for a given year, the actual number of children reported missing, including the number of children who are victims of abduction by strangers, the number of children who are the victims of parental kidnapings, and the number of children who are recovered (Sec. 404(b)(3)).

The first study, originally known by the acronym NISMART (hereafter NISMART 1), was conducted in 1988 with results published in 1990. Thus, what were the best and most comprehensive data available on the incidence of missing children are now 10 years old.

NISMART-1 (1990): National Incidence Study of Missing, Abducted, Runaway and Thrownaway Children in America, by David Finkelhor, Gerald Hotaling, & Andrea Sedlak (Caution: 407 pages 2MB PDF File)


The current National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART 2) is the second national study to measure the incidence of each category of missing children.

In NISMART 2, currently (2002) underway, researchers are: ..Bulletin explaining all about NISMART 1 and 2.. by Louise Hanson

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HIGHLIGHTS: Highlights From the NISMART Bulletins
October 2002

The National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART) consist of several complementary studies designed to estimate the size and nature of the Nation’s missing children problem. NISMART–2, the second such set of studies (the first, NISMART–1, was conducted in 1988), provides national estimates of missing children based on surveys of households, juvenile residential facilities, and law enforcement agencies.1 The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) is disseminating a series of Bulletins that summarize findings from NISMART–2. This Fact Sheet highlights key findings presented in the first four NISMART Bulletins: National Estimates of Missing Children: An Overview (NCJ 196465), Nonfamily Abducted Children: National Estimates and Characteristics (NCJ 196467), Children Abducted by Family Members: National Estimates and Characteristics (NCJ 196466), and Runaway/Thrownaway Children: National Estimates and Characteristics (NCJ 196469).

Note: Actually if one just wants a few stats to quote, these highlights do a pretty good job. ..more..

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OVERVIEW: National Estimates of Missing Children: An Overview (NCJ 196465)
October 2002

The words “missing child” call to mind tragic and frightening kidnappings reported in the national news. But a child can be missing for many reasons, and the problem of missing children is far more complex than the headlines suggest. Getting a clear picture of how many children become missing—and why—is an important step in addressing the problem. This series of Bulletins provides that clear picture by summarizing findings from the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2). The series offers national estimates of missing children based on surveys of households, juvenile residential facilities, and law enforcement agencies. It also presents statistical profiles of these children, including their demographic characteristics and the circumstances of their disappearance.


The National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART) were undertaken in response to the mandate of the 1984 Missing Children’s Assistance Act (Pub. L. 98–473) that requires the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) to conduct periodic national incidence studies to determine the actual number of children reported missing and the number of missing children who are recovered for a given year.


NISMART–2 Study DescriptionsNational Household Surveys of Adult Caretakers and Youth

The Household Surveys were conducted during 1999, using computerassisted telephone interviewing methodology to collect information on missing child episodes from both adults and youth in a national probability sample of households. A total of 16,111 interviews were completed with an adult primary caretaker, resulting in an 80-percent cooperation rate among eligible households with children, and a 61-percent response rate. The total number of children identified by adult caretakers in the Household Survey sample was 31,787; these data were weighted to reflect the Census-based U.S. population of children age 18 years and younger. Each primary caretaker who completed an interview was asked for permission to interview one randomly selected youth in the household between the ages of 10 and 18. Permission
was granted to interview 60 percent of the selected youth, yielding 5,015 youth interviews and a 95-percent response rate among the youth for whom permission was granted. These youth data were weighted to reflect the Census-based U.S. population of children ages 10–18. All of the adult caretakers and sampled youth in the Household Surveys were screened with a set of 17 questions to determine their eligibility for an indepth followup interview designed to collect detailed information about each type of episode.

One obvious limitation of the Household Surveys is that they may have undercounted children who experienced episodes but were living in households without telephones or were not living in households during the study period, including street children and homeless families. Although these are not large populations in comparison to the overall child population, they may be at risk for episodes.

Law Enforcement Study
The Law Enforcement Study (LES) sample consisted of all law enforcement agencies serving a nationally representative sample of 400 counties, including the 400 county sheriff departments and 3,765 municipal law enforcement agencies. The selection of counties took into account the size of their child populations.

Data were collected in two phases. In the first phase, a mail survey was sent to all law enforcement agencies in the sample. This questionnaire asked whether the agency had any stereotypical kidnappings (see definition on page 4) open for investigation during 1997. The response rate for the mail survey was 91 percent. Agencies that reported any stereotypical kidnapping cases were then contacted by telephone for an extensive followup interview with the key investigating officer in each case. Data collection was completed for 99 percent of the cases targeted for followup interviews.

Incorporating both phases of the LES, the combined response rate for the study was 91 percent. LES case weights were developed to reflect the probability of the agency and case having been included in the sample and to adjust for nonresponse and refusals.

Juvenile Facilities Study
The Juvenile Facilities Study was developed to estimate the number of runaways from juvenile residential facilities. Respondents were facility staff in a nationally representative sample of 74 facilities, including juvenile detention centers, group homes, residential treatment centers, and runaway and homeless youth shelters. Telephone interviews were conducted to determine the number of children who ran away from each facility in 1997, and details were obtained for the five most recent runaway episodes. All of the selected facilities that were operational participated; the response rate for episode-level interviews was 93 percent. Runaways were assigned weights to reflect the probability of having included the facility and episode in the sample and to adjust for nonresponse. ..more.. by Andrea J. Sedlak, David Finkelhor, Heather Hammer, and Dana J. Schultz

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FAMILY ABDUCTIONS: Children Abducted by Family Members: National Estimates and Characteristics (NCJ 196466)
Octobr 2002

The words “missing child” call to mind tragic and frightening kidnappings reported in the national news. But a child can be missing for many reasons, and the problem of missing children is far more complex than the headlines suggest. Getting a clear picture of how many children become missing—and why—is an important step in addressing the problem. This series of Bulletins provides that clear picture by summarizing findings from the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2).

The series offers national estimates of missing children based on surveys of households, juvenile residential facilities, and law enforcement agencies. It also presents statistical profiles of these children, including their demographic characteristics and the circumstances of their disappearance.


This Bulletin presents results from the initial analysis of family abduction data collected by the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2), National Household Surveys of Adult Caretakers and Youth. These surveys were conducted during 1999 and reflect a 12-month period. Because the vast majority of cases were concentrated in 1999, the annual period referred to in the Bulletin is 1999.

Defining Family Abduction
For the purposes of NISMART–2, family abduction was defined as the taking or keeping of a child by a family member in violation of a custody order, a decree, or other legitimate custodial rights, where the taking or keeping involved some element of concealment, flight, or intent to deprive a lawful custodian indefinitely of custodial privileges.

Some of the specific definitional elements are as follows:
• Taking: Child was taken by a family member in violation of a custody order or decree or other legitimate custodial right.

• Keeping: Child was not returned or given over by a family member in violation of a custody order or decree or other legitimate custodial right.

• Concealment: Family member attempted to conceal the taking or whereabouts of the child with the intent to prevent return, contact, or visitation.

• Flight: Family member transported or had the intent to transport the child from the State for the purpose of making recovery more difficult.

• Intent to deprive indefinitely: Family member indicated an intent to prevent contact with the child on an indefinite basis or to affect custodial privileges indefinitely.

• Child: Person under 18 years of age. For a child 15 or older, there needed to be evidence that the family member used some kind of force or threat to take or to detain the child, unless the child was mentally disabled.

• Family member: A biological, adoptive, or foster family member; someone acting on behalf of such a family member; or the romantic partner of a family member. ..more.. by Heather Hammer, David Finkelhor, and Andrea J. Sedlak

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NONFAMILY ABDUCTIONS: Nonfamily Abducted Children: National Estimates and Characteristics (NCJ 196467)
October 2002

The words “missing child” call to mind tragic and frightening kidnappings reported in the national news. But a child can be missing for many reasons, and the problem of missing children is far more complex than the headlines suggest. Getting a clear picture of how many children become missing—and why—is an important step in addressing the problem. This series of Bulletins provides that clear picture by summarizing findings from the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2). The series offers national estimates of missing children based on surveys of households, juvenile residential facilities, and law enforcement agencies. It also presents statistical profiles of these children, including their demographic characteristics and the circumstances of their disappearance.


This Bulletin presents results from the initial analysis of nonfamily abduction data collected by the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2). The NISMART–2 studies spanned the years 1997 to 1999.1 All data in the individual component studies were collected to reflect a 12-month period. Because the vast majority of cases were from the studies concentrated in 1999, the annual period referred to in this Bulletin is 1999.


Defining Nonfamily Abduction and Related Terms

• Nonfamily abduction: (1) An episode in which a nonfamily perpetrator takes a child by the use of physical force or threat of bodily harm or detains the child for a substantial period of time (at least 1 hour) in an isolated place by the use of physical force or threat of bodily harm without lawful authority or parental permission, or (2) an episode in which a child younger than 15 or mentally incompetent, and without lawful authority or parental permission, is taken or detained or voluntarily accompanies a nonfamily perpetrator who conceals the child’s whereabouts, demands ransom, or expresses the intention to keep the child permanently.

• Stereotypical kidnapping: A nonfamily abduction perpetrated by a slight acquaintance or stranger in which a child is detained overnight, transported at least 50 miles, held for ransom or abducted with intent to keep the child permanently, or killed.

• Stranger: A perpetrator whom the child or family do not know, or a perpetrator of unknown identity.

• Slight acquaintance: A nonfamily perpetrator whose name is unknown to the child or family prior to the abduction and whom the child or family did not know well enough to speak to, or a recent acquaintance who the child or family have known for less than 6 months, or someone the family or child have known for longer than 6 months but seen less than once a month. ..more.. by David Finkelhor, Heather Hammer, and Andrea J. Sedlak

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RUNAWAY/THROWAWAYS: Runaway/Thrownaway Children: National Estimates and Characteristics NCJ 196469)
October 2002

The words “missing child” call to mind tragic and frightening kidnappings reported in the national news. But a child can be missing for many reasons, and the problem of missing children is far more complex than the headlines suggest. Getting a clear picture of how many children become missing—and why—is an important step in addressing the problem. This series of Bulletins provides that clear picture by summarizing findings from the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2). The series offers national estimates of missing children based on surveys of households, juvenile residential facilities, and law enforcement agencies. It also presents statistical profiles of these children, including their demographic characteristics and the circumstances of their disappearance.



This Bulletin provides information on the number and characteristics of children who are gone from their homes either because they have run away or because they have been thrown out by their caretakers. The estimates presented in this Bulletin are derived from three components of the Second National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2): the National Household Survey of Adult Caretakers, the National Household Survey of Youth, and the Juvenile Facilities Study. The NISMART–2 studies spanned the years 1997 to 1999.1 All data in the individual component studies were collected to reflect a 12-month period. Because the vast majority of cases were from the studies conducted in 1999, the annual period being referred to in these Bulletins is 1999.

Defining Runaways/Thrownaways
A runaway episode is one that meets any one of the following criteria:

• A child leaves home without permission and stays away overnight.

• A child 14 years old or younger (or older and mentally incompetent) who is away from home chooses not to come home when expected to and stays away overnight.

• A child 15 years old or older who is away from home chooses not to come home and stays away two nights.

A thrownaway episode is one that meets either of the following criteria:

• A child is asked or told to leave home by a parent or other household adult, no adequate alternative care is arranged for the child by a household adult, and the child is out of the household overnight.

• A child who is away from home is prevented from returning home by a parent or other household adult, no adequate alternative care is arranged for the child by a household adult, and the child is out of the household overnight. ..more.. by Heather Hammer, David Finkelhor, and Andrea J. Sedlak

Self-Reported Contact Sexual Offenses by Participants in the

November 2000:

Sex Offender Treatment Program: Implications for Internet Sex Offenders

Introduction
With the explosion of the Internet as a medium of communication and commerce, there has been an increasing number of individuals using cyberspace to commit sexual crimes in recent years. These crimes include downloading, trading, and distributing child pornography, as well as luring children via the Internet for the purpose of sexual abuse and exploitation. Until recently, the Internet has been largely unregulated and unmonitored by law enforcement. This has enabled many individuals to access cyberspace for various illicit purposes with perceived anonymity.


Child pornography, relatively unavailable to many individuals until recently, is now readily available through the Internet. Individuals accessing child pornography typically do so through electronic communications in chat rooms and bulletin boards. They collect and trade child pornography with other individuals with similar interests. They may amass collections of several thousand images depicting children in sexually explicit poses or in the act of being sexually abused by adults. These offenders target children in cyberspace in a similar manner as offenders who prey on children in their neighborhood or nearby park. They seek vulnerable children, gradually groom them, and eventually contact them to perpetrate sexual abuse.

For the remainder of this paper: by Andres E. Hernandez, Psy.D., Director, Sex Offender Treatment Program, Federal Bureau of Prisons

The War on Sex Offenders: Community Notification in Perspective

November 2000:

Abstract
This article explores the contemporary phenomenon of ‘naming and shaming’ sex offenders. Community notification laws, popularly known as Megan’s Law, which authorise the public disclosure of the identity of convicted sex offenders to the community in which they live, were enacted throughout the United States in the 1990s. A public campaign to introduce ‘Sarah’s Law’ has recently been launched in Britain, following the death of eight-year old Sarah Payne. Why are sex offenders, and certain categories of sex offenders, singled out as targets of community notification laws? What explains historical variability in the form that sex offender laws take? We address these questions by reviewing the sexual psychopath laws enacted in the United States in the 1930s and 40s and the sexual predator and community notification laws of the 1990s, comparing recent developments in the United States with those in Britain, Canada, and Australia. We consider arguments by Garland, O'Malley, Pratt, and others on how community notification, and the control of sex offenders more generally, can be explained; and we speculate on the likelihood that Australia will adopt community notification laws.

For the remainder of this paper: by Lyn Hinds -and- Kathleen Daly

State Sex Offender Treatment Programs: 50 - State Survey

2000 Colorado:

Trends in State Sex Offender Treatment Programs: August 2000

50-State Survey Conducted by the Colorado Department of Corrections

Summary of Findings

Treatment programs
Formal sex offender treatment programs are being conducted in 39 states, including a program in Wyoming that is in transition and programming in West Virginia that is under review for standardization across all state institutions. In addition, Maine is developing a three-year program projected to open in two years, and Idaho is in the early stages of considering a comprehensive treatment program for the high number of sex offenders in its institutions. Informal treatment has been conducted in Nevada for a number of years. (See Table 1.)

Sex offender populations
A total of 154,518 sex offenders were reported among the 43 states that provided the number of sex offenders incarcerated in their institutions. Sex offender populations range from 161 in North Dakota to 25,398 in Texas. Among the reporting states, sex offenders represented an average of 26% of the total incarcerated population. (See Table 1.)

Sex offender program capacity and duration
Program capacity among the reporting states ranges from 70 sex offenders in Vermont (with a total sex offender population of 362) to 1,100 in Michigan (with a total sex offender population of 9,756) and 1,200 in Pennsylvania (with a total sex offender population of 6,931). (See Table 1.)

Most institutional treatment programs have a duration of over 1 year. Of the 34 states that reported the duration of their programs, 28 offer 1 year or more of treatment. Of those programs, 19 conduct up to 3 years of treatment, and 8 conduct more than 3 years of treatment. North Dakota provides treatment for up to 5 years, and recent changes in the Arizona program also provide for treatment up to 5 years. In Massachusetts, inmates are eligible to begin treatment when they are within 6 years of their earliest projected release date; once in the program, an inmate remains active until release. (See Table 1.)

Approach
In statements of program philosophy, mission, or approach, the consensus of states offering treatment is that there is no “cure” for sexual offending behavior, but sex offenders can learn interventions to control their behavior. A number of programs are designed to provide external support and controls, in the form of planning and support for transition into the community as well as specialized supervision. Longer-range programs emphasize the importance of continued treatment in the community. Family education appears to be emerging as a critical element in transitional and post-release support.

The unanimous goal of treatment programs is public safety, although some programs place more emphasis than others on building self-esteem and a sense of empowerment as the foundation for offenders to find and exercise their own interventions.

Programs are also unanimous in using cognitive-behavioral group therapy, with relapse prevention as the focus of treatment. Twenty states—almost 50% of the programs—offer more intensive forms of this approach through therapeutic communities or residential programs, and 2 more states have therapeutic communities under development. (See Table 2.) The majority of statements of approach point to current research on treatment effectiveness for sex offenders, and a number of states incorporate training and staff development into their program design.


Program components
Programs described in materials provided by survey respondents represent a wide range in structure, sequence, complexity, and intensity. However, given the widespread use of cognitive-behavioral therapy and relapse prevention, the programs are structured on a number of common components (see Table 3, introduced by explanatory text under the heading “Institutional Program Structure” below):

· Assessment for treatment
· Orientation to treatment/prerequisite to treatment
· Education or psychoeducation
· Cognitive-behavioral group therapy
· Intensive treatment (group or residential)
· Transition into the community
· Aftercare

More information on program structure and staffing is provided in the “Findings” section below.

Legislation
Legislation reported by survey respondents ranges from broad mandates for establishing a sex offender treatment program to specific mandates governing elements of treatment and management such as DNA testing, pharmacological treatment, and polygraph testing.

Sex offender treatment programs in 7 states were established by legislation: Colorado, Hawaii, Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and Texas. In New Jersey, legislation passed between 1994 and 1998 increased the role of the Adult Diagnostic Treatment Center, a specialized institution opened in 1976 to treat sex offenders committed by the court system.

Legislation attached to surveys by Kentucky, Tennessee, and Colorado established advisory or standards boards for sex offender treatment and management. Review boards in Nevada and New Jersey were also established in legislation provided by those states. Other states noted the establishment of standards and/or review boards in response to survey questions (see “Advisory and Standards Boards/Entities” below).

Texas has a multidisciplinary team, created by state law, to review offenders eligible for civil commitment. Texas also has a risk assessment review committee, created by state law, to assess the risk sex offenders pose at the time of their release from prison. A Council on Sex Offender Treatment establishes treatment standards in the state and maintains a registry of sex offender providers.

A number of states also reported on laws governing registration and notification, which have similar provisions among the states. Seven states reported civil commitment laws, and 4 states reported legislation establishing lifetime supervision.

Program effectiveness
Only 14 states reported having an internal system for tracking program effectiveness. The most common time periods for tracking sex offenders after release are 3 years, 5 years, and 10 years. In 1988, Hawaii began tracking released sex offenders for their lifetime. A number of programs track sex offenders through parole, or until discharge.

Seven states provided results of recidivism studies: Alaska, Colorado, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and Vermont. A number of other states reported current recidivism data.

In Arkansas, proposed legislation would extend probation, after parole is ended, to an indefinite period, which would allow the program to track sex offenders for a number of years. Other legislation would provide for specialized parole/probation officers who would follow sex offenders through their discharge date, up to life.

Survey Findings
Table 1 on the following page provides a checklist of states conducting sex offender programs, with the duration of each, in the context of the number of sex offenders incarcerated in each state. In turn, the number of incarcerated sex offenders provides perspective on the capacity of each program, in terms of the number of sex offenders who can be treated at one time.

Currently this study has been removed from the Internet, but we have kept a copy and it is stored in the "Files Area" of our Yahoo SO-News Group (Membership required).

This study Prepared for the Colorado Department of Corrections by Paula Wenger, consultant, Longmont, Colorado.

IA- THE IOWA SEX OFFENDER REGISTRY AND RECIDIVISM

2000 Iowa:

THE IOWA SEX OFFENDER REGISTRY AND RECIDIVISM
The Iowa Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) received funding through the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ (BJS) State Justice Statistics (SJS) Program for the purpose of collection and analysis of data related to implementation of the Iowa Sex Offender Registry. The research had two specific goals:

· To enhance understanding of the State’s Sex Offender Registry through collection and analysis of data on sex offenders before and after the Registry’s implementation.

· To develop and validate a unique Iowa Sex Offender Risk Assessment tool to assist in identifying those offenders who constitute the highest risk to re-offend.

Few studies have addressed the impact of a Sex Offender Registry program on recidivism rates or other variables. It was the purpose of this first study to examine and compare two groups of individuals to determine what effect, if any, the requirement to register as a sex offender had on recidivism rates over a 3-4 year period.

Background
Congress passed the Jacob Wetterling Act in 1994 requiring states to create registries of sex offenders convicted of sexually violent offenses or crimes against children. Megan’s Law, amending the Act in May 1996, placed sex offender information in the public arena by requiring states to disclose information to the general public under specific guidelines. In response to increased public interest, researchers are beginning to address the issue of recidivism in this offender population, as well as questions concerning offender and victim characteristics.

Much of the current work being done in sex offender research is focused on the possibility of reoffense, including predictors of recidivism and the effects of various treatment programs.

Research results vary considerably depending on the definition of recidivism used, length of time for follow-up, and sample selection.

In an attempt to consolidate some of the current research findings on recidivism, Hanson (1996) conducted a meta-analysis of approximately 61 studies, using a 4-5 year follow-up period. He found an overall average recidivism rate of 13.4 percent for sex offenses, 12.2 percent for violent crimes and 36.6 percent for general recidivism. In the reviews, recidivism was defined in several ways, including reconviction, arrests, self-reports, and parole violations.

How many recidivists commit new sex crimes is of utmost importance not only to researchers but also to the general public, who may face the prospect of living near a convicted sex offender.

It appears that sex offense recidivism is relatively low when compared to other reoffenses. Several studies report recidivism rates for sex offenders as high as 45 percent but report recidivism for new sex crimes between three to seven percent (Arizona Department of Corrections, 1999, Eisenberg, 1997, Motiuk & Brown, 1996, Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction, 1996). The majority of reoffenses included other violent crimes, property offenses and/or probation or parole violations. Most of the studies reviewed used a time frame of 3-5 years for follow-up.

What follow-up period is adequate is not easily determined, as most recidivism research fails to go beyond three to five years. However, the Arizona Department of Corrections in 1999 published a fact sheet that outlined the rate of recidivism for new sex offenses by year after release using one to seven years. They found that the majority (79 percent) of recidivists committing new sex offenses did so within the first three years after release. On the other hand, Hanson (1992), in his long-term follow-up study of child molesters, found the greatest risk of recidivism to be between five and ten years from the convicted offense. The Hanson report also stated that 23 percent of the recidivists were reconvicted more than ten years after they were released. Clearly, time to recidivate will be one of the issues to be addressed in future research.

For the remainder of the study: by Iowa Department of Human Rights Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning and Statistical Analysis Center

Note: Excellent before/after registry chart Table-A


Iowa recidivism percentages are in Table-4



Other charts